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Old 06-Dec-13, 20:07   #1
Sultan
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Lightbulb SPLM: PRESS STATEMENT

PRESS STATEMENT

Revolutionary comrades, members of the SPLM

Our esteemed people of South Sudan

Distinguished Members of the Press

We, the members of the SPLM Political Bureau, National Liberation Council and SPLM leaders have called this press conference to enlighten our people on the internal crisis that has engulfed the SPLM leadership and paralyzed its functions in the government and in our society. The crisis started immediately after the tragic death of the SPLM historical and eternal leader Dr. John Garang de Mabior and manifested itself in the following:-

• The anti-Garang elements inside and outside the SPLM encircled comrade Salva Kiir Mayardit’s leadership of the SPLM and the Government of Southern Sudan [2005-2007]. This phenomenon compromised SPLM positions vis-a-vis the NCP in the CPA implementation, and in many incidences General Salva Kiir retreated from positions negotiated earlier by Dr. John Garang. These elements using their relationship with General Salva Kiir targeted and ostracized certain SPLM leaders and cadres they nicknamed ‘Garang orphans/boys’ creating schisms and precipitating open quarrels within the SPLM ranks;

• The shift in decision making process from SPLM national organs to regional and ethnic lobbies around the SPLM chairman when it came to appointments to positions in government; that membership of the SPLM and one’s participation in the revolutionary struggle became irrelevant. The SPLM is NOT a ruling party. In practice decisions are essentially made by one person, and in most cases directed by regional and ethnic lobbies and close business associates surrounding the SPLM Chairman;

• The efforts to transform the SPLM from a liberation movement into a mass based political party have totally been frustrated by the Chairman. General Salva ignored the grassroots views and demands garnered between July and August 2012 for the SPLM re-organization. The Political Bureau, the only organ that met nonetheless it had been difficult to translate its resolutions into plans of action in the Executive or legislations in the National Assembly, because of lack of collective leadership and the paralysis of the General Secretariat;

• There is no formal communication between the party organs at the national level and those in the States, County, Payam and Boma levels. The Government drives the SPLM rather than the other way round. The SPLM Chairman now uses his executive powers as President of the Republic, relying on his Presidential ADVISOR, to manage the SPLM and the country;

The crisis reached boiling point in March 2013 when General Salva Kiir cancelled the meeting of the National Liberation Council; issued a Presidential Decree withdrawing the delegated powers from his Vice President and First Deputy Chairman. Other decrees followed including the dismissal on false grounds of the Governors of Lakes and Unity States; the dismissal and appointment of a new Cabinet and the suspension of the SPLM Secretary General. We want to assure our people that these were personal decisions by General Salva Kiir since neither the PB nor the National Liberation Council (NLC) deliberated on these decisions, which have far-reaching implications for the SPLM and the Country.

The SPLM Chairman has completely immobilized the party, abandoned collective leadership and jettisoned all democratic pretensions to decision making. The SPLM is no longer the ruling party. The leader of South Sudan Democratic Forum heads the SPLM Government Cabinet and recent infiltrators/converts from the NCP now lead the National Legislative Assembly and the Council of States respectively. The Chairman did not care to appoint second or third tier SPLM leaders and cadres to occupy these positions if he had trouble with the first tier leaders. In the Army, General Salva Kiir Mayardit has demobilized the seasoned SPLA commanders and made them redundant. This action amounts to erasing the historical legacy of the SPLM suggesting that comrade Salva Kiir is on trek to form his personal army, in the guise of Presidential Guards. General Salva Kiir intends to form his own political party linked to the NCP and has nothing to do with the historic struggle of our people.

As a result, the Chairman unconstitutionally dissolved key SPLM organs namely the Political Bureau and the National Liberation Council and the National and States Secretariat on account that their mandates had expired in May 2013. He has already instructed the State Governors, (instead of the State SPLM Secretariats), to appoint their preferred delegates to the SPLM 3rd National Convention scheduled for February 2014. The intention is to sideline and prevent SPLM historical leaders and cadres categorized as ‘potential competitors’ from participation in the Convention. This is very dangerous move and is likely to plunge the party and the country into the abyss.

We want to bring to the attention of the masses of our people that General Salva Kiir has surrendered the SPLM power to opportunists and foreign agents. These actions undermine the hard won independence and sovereignty of the Republic of South Sudan.

The Government of South Sudan is misleading the public that it is servicing the 4.5 billion USD debt. It is not known where these monies were loaned from and on what they were spent as the country has been under austerity regime since April 2012. This is definitely a question of corruption that must be addressed together with the dura saga, the shoddy road contracts and the issue of 75 letters of defamation of SPLM historical leaders and cadres.

The deep-seated divisions within the SPLM leadership, exacerbated by dictatorial tendencies of the SPLM Chairman, and the dysfunctional SPLM structures from national to local levels are likely to create instability in the party and in the country. For these reasons, and out of our sincere concern about future of our people, we the SPLM members of the Political Bureau and the Leadership of the party are obliged to inform the public about the true state of affairs in the SPLM and how General Salva Kiir is driving our beloved Republic of South Sudan into chaos and disorder.

In order to resolve this crisis, we call on the SPLM Chairman to convene the Political Bureau to set the agenda for the National Liberation Council so as to correct the deviation from the SPLM vision and direction. And address the present challenges within the SPLM with the view of revitalizing and restoring the SPLM to the driving seat. The SPLM should hold steering wheel of the two historical processes of nation building and state building.

Long live the struggle of our people

Glory and honour to our martyrs

Long live South Sudan

Long live SPLM

Viva SPLM viva

Juba

December 6, 2013



http://www.sudantribune.com/spip.php?article49087
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Old 06-Dec-13, 20:51   #2
النبيل المتوحش
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PRESS STATEMENT
Long live South Sudan

Long live SPLM

Viva SPLM viva
يا حليل الحزب الشيوعي الكان يهز ويرز بقى مراسلة وهِتِّيف ومطبلاتي للحركة الشعبية
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Old 06-Dec-13, 20:56   #3
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مع خالص التحايا و المُني

سكرتير الحزب الشويعي- فرع جنوب السودان
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Old 06-Dec-13, 21:29   #4
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what the hell is this doing on a sudanese forum???

go post this on southsudanforum.net!
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Old 07-Dec-13, 01:07   #5
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بيان صحفي

الرفاق الثوار أعضاء الحركة الشعبية لتحرير السودان

جماهير شعبنا في جنوب السودان قاطبة

السادة ممثلي الصحف ووكالات الانباء

نحن، أعضاء المكتب السياسي للحركة الشعبية لتحرير السودان ، مجلس التحرير القومي وقيادات الحركة الشعبية دعونا لهذا المؤتمر الصحفي كيما نقوم بتنوير شعبنا بالازمات الداخلية التي أقعدت قيادة الحركة الشعبية عن القيام بمهامها علي صعيد الحكومة و المجتمع ، لقد بدأت الكارثة مباشرة عقب الرحيل التراجيدي لزعيمها التاريخي الدكتور جون قرنق دي مبيور ، وقد تجلت في الآتي:-ء

ء• إحتواء العناصر المناوئة للدكتور جون قرنق داخل وخارج الحركة الشعبية لقيادة الرفيق سلفاكير ميارديت للحركة الشعبية ، وحكومة جنوب السودان (2005-2007) ،هذه الظاهرة قادت لتجزئة مواقف الحركة الشعبية في مواجهة المؤتمر الوطني في تنفيذ اتفاقية السلام الشامل ، وفي العديد من المواقف التي تراجع فيها الرفيق سلفاكير عن المواقف التي كان قد فاوض عليها الدكتور جون قرنق، تلك العناصر تستخدم علاقتها بالفريق سلفاكير لاستهداف و إستبعاد قيادات وكودار معينة داخل الحركة الشعبية يطلقون عليها لقب (أبناء قرنق الايتام ) مكرسين بذلك للانقسامات وتغذية الصراعات داخل صفوف الحركة الشعبية .ء

• التحول الكبير في عملية صناعة القرار داخل المنظومات القومية للحركة الشعبية الي مجموعات الضغط الاقليمية و الإثنية التي أصبحت تحيط برئيس الحركة عندما يتعلق الامر بالتعيين للوظائف الحكومية ،ولم يعد هناك معني لان تكون عضوا في الحركة أو ساهمت في الكفاح المسلح ، الحركة الشعبية ليست بالحزب الحاكم ، ففي الممارسة الفعلية نجد القرارات تتخذ بواسطة شخص واحد ، وفي معظم الاحوال بتوجيهات من جماعات الضغط الاقليمية و الإثنية ، ورجال الاعمال المحيطين برئيس الحركة الشعبية لتحرير السودان.ء

ء• ان الجهود و المحاولات التي بذلت من أجل تحويل الحركة الشعبية من حركة تحررية الي حزب ذى قاعدة جماهيرية قد تم إحباطها كليا بواسطة رئيس الحركة . الفريق سلفا تجاهل وجهات نظر ومطالب قواعد الحزب التي تم الحصول عليها في يوليو –أغسطس 2012 لاعادة تنظيم الحزب، وقد فشل المكتب السياسي باعتباره الجسم الوحيد الذي ظل يجتمع في تنفيذ ترجمة توصياته الي خطط عمل علي مستوي الجهاز التنفيذي أو الي تشريعات علي مستوي الهيئة التشريعية ، نسبة لغياب القيادة الجماعية و شلل السكرتارية القومية .ء

ء• ليس هناك أي إتصال رسمي بين مكونات الحزب علي المستوي القومي وتلك الموجودة علي مستوي الولايات ،المقاطعات،الفيامات، و البوما .الحكومة أصبحت هي التي تقود الحزب بدلا عن ان يقوم الاخير بذلك ، حاليا رئيس الحركة يستخدم صلاحياته التنفيذية كرئيس للجمهورية ، معتمدا علي مستشاره الرئاسي لإدارة الحركة الشعبية و البلد باكملها .ء

ء• وصلت الازمة قمة غليانها في مارس 2013، عندما قام الفريق سلفاكير بإلغاء اجتماع مجلس التحرير القومي ؛ كما قام باصدار قرار رئاسي بسحب الصلاحيات الممنوحة لنائبه في رئاسة الجمهورية ، والنائب الاول لرئيس الحزب ، تبعتها قرارات أخري منها الاقالة غير المبررة لحاكمي ولاية الوحدة والبحيرات ؛ حل وتشكيل الحكومة الجديدة و إيقاف الامين العام للحركة الشعبية . نريد ان نؤكد لشعبنا بان جميع تلك القرارات كانت عبارة عن قرارات فردية من الفريق سلفاكير طالما لم يناقشها المكتب السياسي للحركة الشعبية ومجلس التحرير القومي .ء

لقد عطل رئيس الحركة الشعبية الحزب كليا ، تجاهل القيادة الجماعية ، كما رفض كل المحاولات الديمقراطية لصناعة القرار ، الحركة الشعبية لم تعد بالحزب الحاكم ، فزعيم منبر الجنوب الديمقراطي يترأس حكومة الحركة الشعبية ، كما ان المنشقين حديثا من المؤتمر الوطني أصبحوا يقودون الهيئة التشريعية القومية (البرلمان) ، ومجلس الولايات بالتوالي ، لم يهتم رئيس الحركة الشعبية بتعيين قيادات من الصف الثاني أو الثالث بالحزب لشغل تلك المواقع اذا كانت له خلافات مع قيادات الصف الاول ، علي مستوي الجيش قام الفريق سلفاكير بتسريح قيادات الجيش الشعبي وحولهم الي متقاعدين ، هذا العمل يهدف الي التخلي عن الارث التاريخي للجيش الشعبي والحركة الشعبية ، مما يوضح ان الرفيق سلفاكير يتجه نحو تأسيس جيشه الخاص في مظهر الحرس الرئاسي ، كما تعمد الفريق سلفاكير تكوين حزبه الخاص المرتبط بالمؤتمر الوطني ، وليس له علاقة بالنضال التاريخي لشعبنا.ء

نتيجة لذلك ، حل الرئيس بشكل غير دستوري المنظومات الرئيسية للحركة بالتحديد المكتب السياسي ، مجلس التحرير القومي و السكرتارية القومية باعتبار ان أجلها قد انتهي في مارس 2013. وقد قام فعليا بتوجيه حكام الولايات (بدلا عن سكرتاريات الحركة بالولايات) ، بتعيين موفديهم المفضلين للمشاركة في المؤتمر القومي الثالث للحركة الشعبية في فبراير 2014، و المقصود من ذلك هو منع الكوادر و القيادات التاريخية للحركة المصنفين (كمنافسين ) من المشاركة في المؤتمر ، هذا اتجاه خطير يدفع بالحزب و البلد نحو الهاوية.ء

نحن نريد ان نؤكد لجماهير شعبنا بان الفريق سلفاكير قد قام بتسليم سلطة الحركة الشعبية للانتهازيين والعناصر الغريبة التي كانت تحارب ضد الحركة الشعبية اثناء فترة النضال ، وخلال فترة تطبيق اتفاقية السلام الشامل ، ان افعال سلفاكير هذه تقلل من قيمة الاستقلال الذي نلناه بعد تعب وشقاء ، ومن سيادة جمهورية جنوب السودان.ء

لقد قام رئيس الحركة الشعبية ورئيس جمهورية جنوب السودان مؤخرا بدفع ملايين الدولارات للحكومة السودانية في الوقت الذي كانت حكومتنا تعاني فيه من ضائقة مالية تجلت في تأخير وعدم دفع الرواتب ، ان حكومة جنوب السودان تقوم بتضليل العامة بقولها انها تقوم بدفع ديونها البالغة قيمتها (4.5) بليون دولار ، ولا يعلم احد من أين تمت استدانة تلك المبالغ و أين تم صرفها علما بان البلاد كانت ترزح تحت السياسة التقشفية منذ ابريل 2012. هذا يصب حقيقة في خانة الفساد ويجب ان يربط مع فضيحة الذرة، عقودات الطرق الوهمية ،وقضية خطابات اساءة سمعة القيادات التاريخية وكودار الحركة الشعبية الـ(75).ء

ان الصمت علي مقتل ضابط الشرطة الرفيع في يامبيو ، و العميد كولور بينو في بيبور ، إغتيال الكاتب الصحفي ايزايا ابراهام و المهندس جون لويس، والعديد من حالات الانفالات الامني هي انتهاكات واضحة لحقوق الانسان ، انهيار حكم القانون وتحطيم للعدالة.ء

ان الخلافات العميقة داخل قيادة الحركة الشعبية و التي يزيدها سوءا التوجهات الدكتاتورية لرئيس الحركة الشعبية ، وتعطل اجهزة الحزب من المستوي القومي الي المحلي من شأنها ان تخلق حالة من عدم الاستقرار داخل الحزب وفي البلد ، نحن اعضاء الحركة الشعبية في المكتب السياسي وقيادة الحزب، ملزمون باخطار شعبنا بالوضع الماثل في الحركة الشعبية وكيف يقود الفريق سلفاكير وطننا الحبيب جنوب السودان نحو الفوضي و الاضطراب.ء

ومن أجل ايجاد معالجة للازمة الحالية ، ندعو رئيس الحركة الشعبية لعقد اجتماع للمكتب السياسي لتحديد أجندة إجتماع مجلس التحرير حتي يتم تقويم حياد الحركة الشعبية عن الرؤية والاتجاه ، ومخاطبة التحديات الحالية داخل الحركة الشعبية من أجل اعادة الحزب الي كرسي القيادة ، الحركة الشعبية يجب ان تمسك بالعمليتين التاريخيتين اللتين هما بناء الامة وبناء الدولة.ء

عاش نضال شعبنا

المجد والخلود لشهدائنا

عاش جنوب السودان

عاشت الحركة الشعبية

جوبا 6- ديسمبر- 2013


http://www.hurriyatsudan.com/?p=135356
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Sudan for all the Sudanese ..السودان لكل السودانيين
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Old 07-Dec-13, 06:57   #6
النبيل المتوحش
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بيان صحفي


جوبا 6- ديسمبر- 2013


http://www.hurriyatsudan.com/?p=135356
من هم الموقعون على البيان؟
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Old 07-Dec-13, 09:33   #7
toona
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what the hell is this doing on a sudanese forum???

go post this on southsudanforum.net!
Nothing surprising!! He's dedicated himself to talk on behalf of nations

he is also returning the favor to the old comrades
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Old 15-Dec-13, 21:54   #8
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Default SPLM leaders pull out of NLC meeting over “lack of dialogue spirit”

Sudan Tribune

SPLM leaders pull out of NLC meeting over “lack of dialogue spirit”



SPLM senior leaders holding a press conference to discuss the actions of party chairman and South Sudanese president Salva Kiir, on 6 December 2013 in Juba (ST)

December 14, 2013 (JUBA) – Senior leaders of South Sudan’s ruling Sudan People’s Liberation Movement (SPLM) said they have pulled out from the meeting of the National Liberation Council (NLC), accusing South Sudan’s president and party chairman, Salva Kiir Mayardit, of deviating from the spirit of dialogue.

Senior members of the SPLM highest executive organ, the Political Bureau (PB), including the party’s deputy chairman, Riek Machar Teny, as well as members of the NLC on Saturday announced that Kiir has not replicated their “good gesture for dialogue” on democracy in the party.

Earlier on Friday, the group announced the postponement of a public rally that had been due to take place on Saturday in order to inform the wider public about the party’s current affairs.

Machar said the decision came following calls from SPLM supporters to postpone both the rally and NLC meeting in order to allow more time for internal political dialogue on contentious issues affecting the party.

While the rally was subsequently postponed until 20 December, the NLC meeting went ahead as planned.

Machar and his colleagues had attended the first day of the NLC meeting on Saturday, where they participated in deliberations on the passing of the basic documents, namely the manifesto and the constitution.

However, the party deputy chairman said Kiir’s statements during the meeting had deviated from the spirit of dialogue and reconciliation which had been called for by SPLM supporters.

He said the chairman, who has previously been accused of “dictatorial tendencies”, did not heed to the voice of “wisdom” by bishops and sheikhs who graced the opening session to remind the leaders on the need for dialogue and reconciliation.

“Kiir’s statements were of hostility, [and provided] no room for political dialogue”, Machar said.

“We attended the NLC meeting despite the fact that the Political Bureau did not convene. But there was no freedom of debate. Members of the NLC, who are also members in the Political Bureau, were told that their views were already made in the Political Bureau”, he added, referring to a PB meeting in March, which has yet to be concluded.

He said his group has decided to dissociate itself from the “undemocratic process” amid fears it would pass undemocratic resolutions in the meeting.

Machar added that his group did not want to be involved in the dismissal process of the party’s suspended secretary-general, Pagan Amum, whom he said was tried in absentia by a hand-picked committee appointed by Kiir.

During his opening speech at the NLC meeting, Kiir said the committee that investigated Amum had recommended his dismissal and urged the members to act on the report.

Machar called on other members of the NLC to withdraw from the meeting and its undemocratic processes.

He said his group now planned to review the party’s current situation in light of Kiir’s lack of enthusiasm for political dialogue, which he said would have resolved contentious issues on democracy in the party.

(ST)


http://www.sudantribune.com/spip.php?article49181
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Sudan for all the Sudanese ..السودان لكل السودانيين
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Old 16-Dec-13, 16:42   #9
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الشرق الأوسط 16/12/2013

مجموعة بالحزب الحاكم في جنوب السودان تدعو كير إلى الاعتزال

مشار ينسحب من اجتماعات مجلس التحرير ويصفها بـ«غير الديمقراطية»ء


لندن: مصطفى سري

أعلنت قيادات من حزب الحركة الشعبية الحاكم في جنوب السودان، بقيادة النائب الأول لرئيس الحركة الدكتور رياك مشار، الانسحاب من اجتماع مجلس التحرير القومي، الهيئة الأعلى في الحزب. وسببت القيادات قرار الانسحاب بما سمته غياب روح الحوار في الجلسة الأولى، في وقت دعت فيه مجموعة تسمي نفسها «التيار الديمقراطي التقدمي في الحركة الشعبية» رئيس جنوب السودان سلفا كير إلى اعتزال العمل السياسي وعدم الترشح في انتخابات عام 2015.ء

وقال مشار، نائب رئيس جنوب السودان السابق، في تصريحات صحافية إن مجموعته انسحبت من اجتماع مجلس التحرير بسبب غياب روح الحوار في مداولات الجلسة الأولى، عادّا أن خطاب رئيس الحزب سلفا كير في الجلسة الافتتاحية أول من أمس «تجاوز روح المصالحة والحوار»، وقال: «لقد كان خطاب كير عدائيا وأغلق الباب أمام فرص الحوار السياسي داخل الحزب»، مشيرا إلى أن المكتب السياسي لم يعقد اجتماعه لإجازة أجندة جلسات مجلس التحرير.ء

لكن مشار أضاف: «حضرنا اجتماعات مجلس التحرير، ولكن لم تكن هناك حرية في المداولات، وما يحدث فيه تجاوز للنهج الديمقراطي.. لذلك انسحبنا من جلسات الاجتماع حتى لا نكون جزءا من هذه العملية غير الديمقراطية التي تحدث باسم الحركة.. ورأينا أن ننأى بأنفسنا عنها». مشددا: «لا نريد أن نكون جزءا من عملية فصل الأمين العام للحزب باقان أموم».ء

واختتم مجلس التحرير اجتماعاته أمس بإجازة الوثائق الأساسية للحزب ومناقشة خطاب الرئيس الذي أدرج فيه توصية لجنة التحقيق مع الأمين العام باقان أموم بإعفائه من جميع مناصبه التنظيمية في الأمانة العامة ومجلس التحرير والمكتب السياسي للحزب.ء

من جهة أخرى، أصدرت مجموعة باسم «التيار الديمقراطي التقدمي» في الحزب الحاكم، بيانا وصفت فيه ما يمر به الحزب بأنه «منعطف خطير وكارثي بسبب توجهات رئيسه سلفا كير في إدارته»، وقالت إن الاتجاه هو لإجهاض برنامج المنظومة الثورية التقدمية وتغييب مشروع السودان الجديد بوصفه إطارا فكريا للبناء السياسي.ء

وقال البيان إن ذلك انعكس على سياسات الحكومة، التي يترأسها كير، «في الافتقار إلى برنامج واضح»، موضحا أن «الحكومة أصبحت محل انتقاد الشعب، وهناك قبضة أمنية شرسة وتضييق على الحريات العامة».ء

وقالت المجموعة، التي يتوقع أن تشكل تنظيما جديدا لمواجهة الحزب الحاكم، إن الحكومة «كشفت عن عورتها في موقفها غير الوطني تجاه قضية أبيي المتنازع عليها مع السودان»، حيث رفضت جوبا الاعتراف بنتائج الاستفتاء الذي جرى في أكتوبر (تشرين الأول) الماضي من طرف واحد لقبيلة «الدينكا نقوك». وعدّ البيان أن حكومة كير غير مؤهلة لإجراء الانتخابات في عام 2015، وأنها وضعت البلاد على حافة الانهيار.ء

ودعت المجموعة إلى تشكيل حكومة كفاءات وطنية من كل القوى السياسية والشخصيات القومية المشهود لها بالكفاءة والنزاهة، كما طالبت بعقد مؤتمر دستوري قومي يناقش «قضايا الحكم وإدارة الدولة، والعلاقة بين المركز والولايات، والتوزيع العادل والمنصف للثروات القومية، وإيجاد حلول لملكية الأراضي».ء

وطالب التيار الديمقراطي كير باعتزال العمل العام، وأن يتحول إلى زعيم وطني، وألا يترشح إلى رئاسة الحزب والانتخابات المقبلة في 2015، وإفساح المجال لقيادات جديدة في الحركة الشعبية لتحرير السودان. ودعا التيار إلى محاسبة المتورطين في قضايا الفساد والتلاعب بالمال العام وتبديد ثروات الشعب، مطالبا بمحاسبة كل المتورطين في جرائم القتل البارد والتصفيات السياسية التي تمت في جوبا والولايات الأخرى.ء


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ديمقراطية راسخة ..تنمية مستدامة ..وطن واحد ..سلم وطيد
Sudan for all the Sudanese ..السودان لكل السودانيين
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Old 16-Dec-13, 16:47   #10
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جنوب السودان: اشتباكات بين عناصر جيش جنوب السودان في العاصمة جوبا

آخر تحديث: الاثنين، 16 ديسمبر/ كانون الأول، 2013، 08:03 GMT

اندلعت اشتباكات عنيفة بين عناصر من قوات الجيش في جنوب السودان قرب العاصمة جوبا مع الساعات الأولى من مساء الاحد.ء

وأفاد شهود عيان من جوبا أن أصوات إطلاقات الرصاص وبعض الانفجارات ما زالت تسمع حتى الساعات الأولى من صباح الإثنين.ء

وتصاعد التوتر السياسي في البلاد منذ أقال سلفا كير ميارديت رئيس جنوب السودان نائبه ريك ماشار في يوليو/تموز الماضي.ء

بدأ إطلاق الرصاص حسب شهود العيان بشكل متقطع خلال الليل ثم اشتدت حدته بشكل كبير مع ساعات الصباح الأولى.ء

وقال جوك مادوت رئيس معهد الجنوب في جنوب السودان إنه من المعتقد أن الجنود الموالين لماشار قد تسببوا في اندلاع القتال.ء

وبدأت المعارك بين الجنود في موقعين للجيش الاول، وهو أكبر معسكر، ويقع في منطقة بيلبام شمالي مطار جوبا الدولي والثاني هو معسكر الجبل جنوب العاصمة.ء

ونقلت وكالة رويترز للأنباء عن أتني ويك المتحدث الرئاسي قوله إن القتال اندلع بين أفراد الحرس الرئاسي في معسكر الجبل.ء

ويعد الجنود الموالون لماشار من قبائل النوير التى ينحدر منها بينما ينحدر سلفاكير من قبائل الدنغا وهما قبيلتان بينهما تاريخ من المعارك حيث تتهم قبائل النوير قبائل الدنغا بالسيطرة على المنطقة.ء

من جانبها نفت السفارة الأمريكية في جوبا على حسابها على تويتر لجوء ريك ماشار إليها وأضافت أن البعثة الدبلوماسية تتابع الأوضاع الأمنية في البلاد عن قرب.ء


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ديمقراطية راسخة ..تنمية مستدامة ..وطن واحد ..سلم وطيد
Sudan for all the Sudanese ..السودان لكل السودانيين
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Old 16-Dec-13, 17:34   #11
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Exclamation بيان مهم بيان من التيار الديمقراطي التقدمي بالحركة الشعبية يطالب سلفاكير باعتزال العم

حريات 15/12/2013

بيان مهم بيان من التيار الديمقراطي التقدمي بالحركة الشعبية يطالب سلفاكير باعتزال العمل السياسي

جماهير الحركة الشعبية لتحرير السودان

شعب جنوب السودان

يمر حزبنا، الحركة الشعبية لتحرير السودان، بمنعطف تاريخي كارثي وخطير نتيجة لتوجهات رئيس الحركة الشعبية الانفرادية في إدارة الحزب وانتهاج برنامج لإجهاض الحركة كمؤسسة سياسية و منظومة ثورية تقدمية وذلك عبر تغييب مشروع السودان الجديد كإطار فكري وايدولوجي للحركة الشعبية، بعد الرحيل المفاجئ لمؤسس وقائد الثورة دكتور جون قرنق دي مبيور، والاستعاضة عنها بولاءات طائفية قبلية وإقليمية كأساس للبناء السياسي في إدارة الدولة.ء

انعكس غياب دور الحركة كحزب حاكم ، خاض تجربة نضال طويل نحو تحقيق مشروع سياسي قائم علي ترسيخ مبادئ الممارسة الديمقراطية والقيادة الجماعية ، انعكس على سياسات الحكومة التي يترأسها الرفيق سلفاكير ميارديت في الافتقار إلى برنامج واضح، حيث قاد ذلك لاستياء كبير وسط الجماهير ، وأصبحت الحكومة محل انتقاد الشعب عدا المنتفعين والانتهازيين من أصحاب المصالح الضيقة، في ظل القبضة الأمنية الشرسة والتضييق علي الحريات العامة ، والتعدي علي الحقوق الدستورية، والأزمة الاقتصادية الخانقة ، تفشي الظلم الاجتماعي الذي قاد الي تولد كثير من المرارات نسبة للتفاوت و التمايز الطبقي الكبير، و المبني علي المحاصصات الاثنية والقبلية ، كما كشفت الحكومة عن عورتها في موقفها الغير وطني تجاه قضية شعبنا في آبيي بعدم اعترافها بنتائج الاستفتاء وأصبحت الحكومة ودبلوماسياتها الخارجية تبشر بعدم قبول نتيجة الاستفتاء آبيي دوليا وإقليميا ومحليا وتبني مواقف مرضية لحكومة الخرطوم ، أن هذه الموقف الحكومي ما هو إلا خيانة عظمى وطعن في سيادتنا كدولة مستقلة.ء

جماهير شعبنا الأشاوس

توالت الكثير من الأزمات علي بلادنا ، في ظل الفساد الحكومي المستشري وغياب البرامج وضعف الأولويات، وإهمال المواطن في الريف ومناطق الإنتاج ، فأصبحت المجاعة تهدد شعبنا في كل عام كخطر محدق، حيث أصبح الناس يموتون جوعا ، والحكومة عاجزة ، تتلذذ بمعاناة الشعب ، يعيش منسوبيها حياة البذخ والترف في قصورهم، ففي هذا الوضع المزري لم يتلق العاملين بالحكومة من عمال وموظفين رواتبهم لمدة ثلاثة أشهر في العاصمة والولايات، ونتيجة للسياسات الفاشلة للحكومة انفرط عقد الأمن في جميع إنحاء الدولة وأصبحت البيوت تنهب في وضح النهار ويقتل المواطنون ولا حماية من قبل الدولة هذا دليل كافي علي غياب حكم القانون وسيادته، هذا الوضع إذا لم تتم معالجته بصورة جذرية فان بلادنا ستنحدر بلا شك نحو مستنقع الفوضى و الحرب الأهلية.ء

جماهير شعبنا الاماجد

ان حكومة التي يترأسها الرفيق سلفاكير قد أثبتت فشلها في عملية البناء السياسي، وتوحيد شعبنا، ومن عوامل وأسباب فشلها، استشراء الفساد والمحسوبية في جميع أجهزة الدولة،التنفيذية والتشريعية والقضائية على مستوى الحكومة المركزية وحكومات الولايات، وأصبح ما يقدمونه هو نهب وسرقة المال العام، مما أدي إلى تعطل عجلة التنمية وغياب تقديم الخدمات الأساسية للمواطن في الريف والمدن (الماء، الأمن، الخبز،الصحة، التعليم، الطرق، الكهرباء)، واستبدال قيمة المواطنة كأساس للحقوق والواجبات بالمواطنة الطبيعية والأهلية (العشائرية والقبلية والإقليمية)، وهذا انتهاك للدستور الانتقالي ومؤشر خطير يقود لتمزيق النسيج الاجتماعي ووحدة وتماسك شعب جنوب السودان.ء

جماهير شعبنا المناضل

أن الممارسات الغير ديمقراطية والتوجهات الدكتاتورية لرئيس الحركة الشعبية في إدارة دفة الأمور داخل الحزب وفي الحكومة قد وضعت الوطن على حافة الانهيار، عليه فالحكومة الحالية غير مؤهلة لان تجري العملية الانتخابية القادمة في 2015، لذا نحن في التيار الديمقراطي داخل الحركة الشعبية والذي يضم قطاع عريض من كوادر الحركة الشعبية بالقطاعات المهنية المختلفة، الشباب، المرأة، والطلاب، نؤكد علي ان المخرج الوحيد من الأزمة الحالية التي شهدها حزبنا والبلاد بكاملها يتمثل في الآتي:ء

ء• تشكيل حكومة كفاءات وطنية عريضة من كافة القوي السياسية والشخصيات القومية المشهود لها بالكفاءة والنزاهة، تتولي مسئولية إجراء الانتخابات العامة في جو ديمقراطي وحيادي يجنبا تداعيات التجربة الانتخابية السابقة التي ولدت حالة من التمردات لازلنا ندفع ثمنها إلي اليوم.ء

ء• الدعوة لانعقاد مؤتمر قومي دستوري قومي يناقش قضايا الحكم وإدارة الدولة، العلاقة بين المركز والولايات، التوزيع العادل و المنصف للثروات القومية ، وإيجاد حلول لملكية الأراضي.ء

ء• اعتزال الرفيق ك سلفاكير عن العمل العام وتحوله لزعيم وطني، من خلال عدم ترشحه لرئاسة الحزب والانتخابات القادمة في 2015 وإفساح المجال وإتاحة الفرص و المنافسة لقيادات جديدة في الحركة الشعبية لتحرير السودان.ء

ء• محاسبة كل المتورطين في قضايا الفساد والتلاعب بالمال العام ، وتبديد ثروات الشعب ، وعلى رأسهم المتنفذين في السلطة التنفيذية والتشريعية والقضائية والمؤسسات الحكومية الأخرى وإعادة الأموال المنهوبة الى خزينة الدولة.ء

ء• محاسبة كل المتورطين في جرائم القتل البارد والتصفيات السياسية التي تمت في جوبا والولايات.

ء• مراجعة الخدمة المدنية ، وتكوين لجان متخصصة للإعادة النظر في الأجور في المركز والولايات.ء

ء• تشكيل لجنة لتقصي الحقائق حول الأسباب الجذرية للنزاع في جونقلي، تجلس إلى جميع الأطراف، وتضع المعالجات الضرورية حتى ينعم شعبنا بالسلام والاستقرار ، في الدولة التي ناضلوا من أجل استقلالها.ء

ء• تخصيص صندوق لتنمية الولايات.ء

ء•ختاماً: نؤكد ترحيبنا التام بما خرج به البيان الصحفي لأعضاء المكتب السياسي، وأعضاء مجلس التحرير القومي، ونطالبهم أيضا بنقد تجربة مشاركتهم في الحكومة في الفترات السابقة جماهيريا.ء

عاشت الحركة الشعبية لتحرير السودان

عاشت نضالات شعب جنوب السودان

المجد والخلود لشهدائنا الاماجد

جوبا في 15-ديسمبر-2013

التيار الديمقراطي التقدمي

الحركة الشعبية لتحرير السودان


جوبا- جنوب السودان
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حرية سلام وعدالة.. الثورة خيار الشعب

ديمقراطية راسخة ..تنمية مستدامة ..وطن واحد ..سلم وطيد
Sudan for all the Sudanese ..السودان لكل السودانيين
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Old 16-Dec-13, 17:56   #12
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Originally Posted by Sultan View Post


من قبائل الدنغا

يا مستر دنغا انتو لمتين حا تغشوا في نفسكم وتخدعوا في الناس وتتخفوا وراء تقارير البي بي سي؟

الحكاية واضحة زولكم باقان عمل انقلاب

اها ما هو مصير تحالفكم معه ومع الجبهة الثورية التي كان يرعاها مع شركائه في قطاع الشمال والذين هم ايضا من حلفائكم وثلاثة منهم اعضاء بحزبكم؟

ونهديك الصورة بمناسبة القبض على باقان

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Old 16-Dec-13, 18:10   #13
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President Kiir is responsible for SPLM failure



Call it dictatorial or otherwise, it is what it is, authoritarianism. It is an uncounseled positive ambition of the president to stay in power by force or else. President Salva Kiir Mayardit is determined to stay in POWER at all cost. Recent developments, from that of July 23rd of 2013 to present showcased an ugly nature of a beast. A monster determined to stay foot to destroy a freedom we painfully earned with selfless sacrifices. President Kiir is determined to drive South Sudan and her people to abyss if they (South Sudanese) give-in to his jungle rule, coupled by high class tribalism.

It appeared the opportunists around the president are enjoying the turbulent rides. That said they did not learned from our troubled past mistakes. When drawing political punches, they didn’t take into account what caused Rwandans to bleed in 1994. With their lazy thoughts, they did not considered what make Somalia a lawless and failed state from 1991 to present.

With our poor president, he is a laming duck and often acted blindly to consolidate his power base, even though evidence shown he does not know how orchestrate strategy to win. President Kiir is being run and programs elsewhere from a distant, by Bashir and the Ugandan president. With that in mind, Kiir’s actions are intended to cause agony among our innocence civilians because fabrications and facts to him appeared alike. In return, thus, tells me, South Sudan is hooked for a long and ugly ride.

Under weak leadership, South Sudan becomes a host of all kind of parasites. The Islamic regime in Khartoum for example has recently secured money feeding tube, South Sudan. In the expense of our president’s weakness, Khartoum is now building its infrastructure and weaponizing itself to ensure that Abyei, the land of Dinka Ngok is never part of South Sudan. Sadly, South Sudan government is the financier. Our government is financing such projects in the name of maintaining peace between the two nations. Call it cooperation agreements. Recently, South Sudan government paid Khartoum Islamic regime $2.1 billion dollars since the production of oil resumed.

It is unbelievable that President Salva Kiir government values foreigners’ livelihood than its own. The South Sudanese Dinka Ngok is a prime example in the mix. Local radio stations were banned not to broadcast Abyei Referendum. South Sudan Minister of information, Mr. Makuei Lueth went on SSTV to denounnce Dinka Nyok people. It is a shameful betrayal that ought to be condemned. The Dinka Ngok people are comrades, brothers and sisters in armed and bloodline and deserve not to be betrayed. Above all else, they bled with us and paid selfless sacrifices during the war of liberation. In our collective view, anyone that denies them freedom and right to decide their fate is our enemy, people enemy number one.

Like it or not, betrayal has occurred. It is the ugly truth of having a disorganized system led by confused personalities. You may or may not be aware that the $ 4 billion dollars claimed by South Sudan minister of finance, Mr. Tisa went to loans was instead secretly deposited into the Ugandan and Sudan secret accounts. Kiir and opportunists around him had no choice but to pay Ugandan troops stationed in South Sudan to protect president dynasty from unfounded people revolt. South Sudan is run by mercenaries from Uganda under Uganda president directive. This is sad and shameful trajectory. If this cannot provoke your inner hard feelings, what can? South Sudanese did not take arms for Ugandans to come and rule us after unselfish sacrifices.

Kiir and opportunists around him had no choice but to pay Bashir and his Islamic terrorists in Khartoum to ensure South Sudan oil passage, yet our people are not getting oil dividend. In reverse, Bashir weaponries it bases to take over Abyei by force and other parts of our lands, especially the 14 mile. Not only that, Khartoum uses our own money to arm David Yau and the consequences of that was the recent vicious killing in Jonglei State Twic East and Lou-Nuer. It is an ironic and disappointing reality at best!

You may or may not be aware that South Sudan Government is sponsoring terrorists and selling arms to Al Shabbab, an Al Quaeda terrorist organization based in Somalia. Like it or not, 72 SPLA generals are now under Interpol Police watch list for secretly selling arms to Al qaeda operatives in Somalia and to David Yau, respectively. Who can believe this wild tips, but true.

Similarly, if I may; Maj. Gen. Philip Aguer, the SPLA spokesperson and Gen. Peter Gatdet two others I like not to name are under arrest warrant for warcrime committed in Murl lands. Our Commander-In- Chief betrayed them even though they were simply following orders from non-other than our President Kiir himself. I know, this is too much information but it give one a sense where our country seats. I must also assure you that this is just tip of an iceberg, I have more sensitive information to share if need be.

Out of these few tips, you may also conclude that our country is set for a hell of a ride. We are set on a roller coaster doomed to crash anytime. We are very much in a dangerous course of collision, among ourselves and with international bodies. I am afraid, if we do collide though, both have and have not will equally suffer. It is good to write about these so you know. Tomorrow, history will judge us, but we will not pretend that we don’t know and didn’t see it coming.

Who is to blame?

President Kiir is squarely responsible for the messes made and worse that to come. For one, our president has created a conducive environment to allow chaos to take hold. All South Sudanese are damn aware about this reality, it is not secrete anymore because those who killed Isaiah Abraham and Engineer Louis are his coconspirators.

In political realms, logic often defies deception, I wonder if South Sudanese should not continue to push for better change to get rid of untrusted president because of consequences. If I have to bear witness to anything, I can assert that positive change is not easy and could means bloodshed and destruction but worthwhile. History had it that no positive change without any sufferings. To relent to any misrule however is rightly accepting injustice in a golden plate. In our case, relenting is letting another Robert Mugabe to take hold in South Sudan. Pushing for a meaningful change is importance and a revelation that we are consciously aware of our freedom and not being run by proxies Ugandans mercenaries because Kiir cannot trust our gallantry forces.

This is equally true that South Sudanese did not fight the war of liberation for Ugandans to tell us what to do thereafter and run our state of affairs remotely. Thus tell me, we must push for a positive change. We fought injustices to be free and not to be place under authoritarian regime run by foreigners on remote control, because the man we entrusted our aspirations is not a shrewd politician but weak and opened to manipulations.

The recent dissolution of the SPLM party hierarchies by President Salva Kiir is undeniably a confirmation of Robert Mugabe rule. However, the different between Mugabe and Kiir is that the later has seven degrees and the latest has guerilla warfare tact. Subsequently, the question before us and the rest of the world is, are we ready to take on another Robert Mugabe brutality? I leave that to you to ponder, for my goal herein is to provide you with raw information for you to remain fully informed about our state of affairs. Though the current government of South Sudan for example shown us only how to be tribal and primitively remains legion to our tribal bases, a case we must all reject in unison.

SPLM party dissolution was a wrong step

Even demons will agree with me that the dissolution of the SPLM party hierarchies was a wrong step. On November 25, 2013, Sabrino Majok falsely claimed that the dissolution of the SPLM hierarchies by President Kiir was a right step. One wonders, really what a right step is if a grave wrong step suddenly turned good one. I supposed the right step for Majok is to do wrong instead. Despite Majok sandwiching the wrong deed, President Kiir has made a fatal mistake that might end his leadership in the SPLM.

Allow me to state why the dissolution of the SPLM party is wrong and allowing our president to get away with such as a violation is uncalled for and a ticket doom. President Kiir has violated the party constitution. The leaders of the SPLM party were duly and democratically elected in the 2008 party convention, by party members. In this context, no one can ever dissolve the Party structures in a vacuum without the same forum.

For Sabrino Majok, he was wrong for giving the president credits he does not deserve. The reality is our president never earned clear outright credit out of his good deeds. Since the inception of the SPLM in 1983, Salva Kiir Mayardit has never been a good captian. He never captured a town during the war of liberation. My ponding memory of a man is that he allowed thousands of red army perishes under his care in June 1991.

His leadership after Dr. Garang tragic death is marked and riddled with unquestionable failures, sell-outs and premature embarrassing decisions that make us all look fools. As a president his legacy is tainted by rampat corruption, outright thieveries within his own office, premature decisions, and submission to Khartoum by auctioning out 14 mile in Majok’s own state, lands grabing and human rights abuses. To this day, none of the above has been addressed despites his rule for good 8 years as a president. He failed in every step of the way and nothing good is available in public domain for our president, but anguish.

Again, for Majok, I supposed education must be guided by integrity and sincere conviction of how truth can be told. Surprisingly Sabrino Majok intentionally refused to tell the truth but instead bend the truth. For one, the conduct of South Sudan referendum was oversea by none other than Dr. Riek Machar and many other countless South Sudanese who help that referendum succeed. It was unforgivable mistake for Majok to bend that truth just to appease the president and mislead his readers. If anyone deserves any credit for that matter, Dr. Riek does. I must also acknowledge that President Kiir was/is the president of our nation and therefore Riek’s credits can also be attributed to president.

Another misplaced credit is the Sudanese General election in 2010. For one, Kiir failed or refused to run for Sudan presidential candidate in 2010, but instead, he chose to remain in South Sudan and run for lower seat. Had he ran for Sudanese presidential candidate for SPLM’s ticket, the Abyei, the Blue Nile and the Nubian cases would be a done deals by now. Not only that, 2010 election was marked by violence and created rebellions with dire consequences. The elections were striking marked by savageries and uncivilized conducts by many candidates President Kiir included. For example, SPLM-DC party candidate was banned from campaigning in all South Sudan ten states. Therefore, one wonders if these could even be count as a credit rather than shame and undemocratic procession.

The last misplace credit is the “Khartoum stumbling blocks.” Majok failed to give that credit to comrade Pagan Amum simply because he did not want to embarrass our president. But, Pagan Amum himself bravely negotiated all referendum conduct and post referendum terms with Khartoum without any direction from the president because at times the man (president) has nothing to offer. I wonder how Mr. Majok could not see his argument gaps. If anything became of fruition for South Sudan and her people, the credits duly belongs to Pagan. President doesn’t deserve an iota credit but Pagan Amum and those whom he seek their councils.

SPLM failure

First, I thought the culture of blaming game and denial was for Arabs ONLY but Majok’s piece suggested otherwise. The undisputable truth is that President Kiir is squarely responsible for the SPLM underperformance, unless someone is not telling the whole truth like Sabrino Majok to maintain his/her employment. I got it, but for how long are we going to not tell the truth? I must say Sabrino Majok has no point because such these misplaced statements are the ones that misinformed and blurred president’s thinking, which led to SPLM failure.

The SPLM cradle failure begun in 2010 election if Sabrino Majok needs to be reminded about the root cause of the matter. Under President Kiir leadership, SPLM aspirants who were rightfully chosen by our people to carries SPLM’s batons in the states gubernatorial elections were wrongly denied to run on baseless grounds. If Majok didn’t know this is where the failure of the SPLM started and President Kiir is fully responsible. Not Pagan or Dr. Riek but Kiir himself is responsible. Recently, Mr. President Fall-out with his favorites and then he (president) decided to remove them from governorships, which constitute a constitution violation. The premise of their disagreement is that the removed governors happened to place their citizens first instead of taking care of Mr. President’s personal needs. As a result, this caused Chol Tong and Taban Deng their jobs.

Therefore, the removal of the elected Governors also added to the cradle failure of the SPLM. Who did these constitutional violations and who is to be blame? President Kiir. To the make matter worse, he did these violations alone without consulting with his Vice president, Dr. Riek at the time or Political Bureau members for a word. Now, who is responsible? More 110% percent, President Kiir is responsible.

Lastly, President Kiir staffed all the Government of South Sudan sensitive positions with his clan men by disfranchising the rest us who are not from his clan, Awan Chan but patriotic members of the SPLM party. President government discriminated the rest of us based on our tribal and clan affiliations if one happened to be a Dinka by tribe. Besides, in numerous occasions President Kiir refused to call for either Political Bureau or the SPLM National liberation Council meeting to discuss and iron out these problems for better solutions.

Not only that, he also refused to call for SPLM National Convention after Mr. Pagan requested him to do so more than 8 times because he was afraid for being voted out. Now, I would like Sabrino Majok to tell us who destroyed the peoples’ party? In everyone view in South Sudan and aboard, President Kiir did it in flying colors.

Way forward

If President Kiir continued to refuse to reverse his decision, I therefore recommend that he must be given an ultimatum to resign from the peoples’ party, the SPLM’s chairmanship. The political bureau and the SPLM liberation National Council must enforce this with immediate effect. If our president persists, he MUST BE voted out by vote - of -no -confident in absentia from the SPLM party chairman on ground of misconduct and violation of the SPLM party constitution.

J. Nguen is a South Sudanese living in Canada and he can be reached at
nyolgaar@yahoo.com
.










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info@southsudan.net
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Old 16-Dec-13, 18:49   #14
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Originally Posted by halfawi View Post
President Kiir is responsible for SPLM failure



Call it dictatorial or otherwise, it is what it is, authoritarianism. It is an uncounseled positive ambition of the president to stay in power by force or else. President Salva Kiir Mayardit is determined to stay in POWER at all cost. Recent developments, from that of July 23rd of 2013 to present showcased an ugly nature of a beast. A monster determined to stay foot to destroy a freedom we painfully earned with selfless sacrifices. President Kiir is determined to drive South Sudan and her people to abyss if they (South Sudanese) give-in to his jungle rule, coupled by high class tribalism.

It appeared the opportunists around the president are enjoying the turbulent rides. That said they did not learned from our troubled past mistakes. When drawing political punches, they didn’t take into account what caused Rwandans to bleed in 1994. With their lazy thoughts, they did not considered what make Somalia a lawless and failed state from 1991 to present.

With our poor president, he is a laming duck and often acted blindly to consolidate his power base, even though evidence shown he does not know how orchestrate strategy to win. President Kiir is being run and programs elsewhere from a distant, by Bashir and the Ugandan president. With that in mind, Kiir’s actions are intended to cause agony among our innocence civilians because fabrications and facts to him appeared alike. In return, thus, tells me, South Sudan is hooked for a long and ugly ride.

Under weak leadership, South Sudan becomes a host of all kind of parasites. The Islamic regime in Khartoum for example has recently secured money feeding tube, South Sudan. In the expense of our president’s weakness, Khartoum is now building its infrastructure and weaponizing itself to ensure that Abyei, the land of Dinka Ngok is never part of South Sudan. Sadly, South Sudan government is the financier. Our government is financing such projects in the name of maintaining peace between the two nations. Call it cooperation agreements. Recently, South Sudan government paid Khartoum Islamic regime $2.1 billion dollars since the production of oil resumed.

It is unbelievable that President Salva Kiir government values foreigners’ livelihood than its own. The South Sudanese Dinka Ngok is a prime example in the mix. Local radio stations were banned not to broadcast Abyei Referendum. South Sudan Minister of information, Mr. Makuei Lueth went on SSTV to denounnce Dinka Nyok people. It is a shameful betrayal that ought to be condemned. The Dinka Ngok people are comrades, brothers and sisters in armed and bloodline and deserve not to be betrayed. Above all else, they bled with us and paid selfless sacrifices during the war of liberation. In our collective view, anyone that denies them freedom and right to decide their fate is our enemy, people enemy number one.

Like it or not, betrayal has occurred. It is the ugly truth of having a disorganized system led by confused personalities. You may or may not be aware that the $ 4 billion dollars claimed by South Sudan minister of finance, Mr. Tisa went to loans was instead secretly deposited into the Ugandan and Sudan secret accounts. Kiir and opportunists around him had no choice but to pay Ugandan troops stationed in South Sudan to protect president dynasty from unfounded people revolt. South Sudan is run by mercenaries from Uganda under Uganda president directive. This is sad and shameful trajectory. If this cannot provoke your inner hard feelings, what can? South Sudanese did not take arms for Ugandans to come and rule us after unselfish sacrifices.

Kiir and opportunists around him had no choice but to pay Bashir and his Islamic terrorists in Khartoum to ensure South Sudan oil passage, yet our people are not getting oil dividend. In reverse, Bashir weaponries it bases to take over Abyei by force and other parts of our lands, especially the 14 mile. Not only that, Khartoum uses our own money to arm David Yau and the consequences of that was the recent vicious killing in Jonglei State Twic East and Lou-Nuer. It is an ironic and disappointing reality at best!

You may or may not be aware that South Sudan Government is sponsoring terrorists and selling arms to Al Shabbab, an Al Quaeda terrorist organization based in Somalia. Like it or not, 72 SPLA generals are now under Interpol Police watch list for secretly selling arms to Al qaeda operatives in Somalia and to David Yau, respectively. Who can believe this wild tips, but true.

Similarly, if I may; Maj. Gen. Philip Aguer, the SPLA spokesperson and Gen. Peter Gatdet two others I like not to name are under arrest warrant for warcrime committed in Murl lands. Our Commander-In- Chief betrayed them even though they were simply following orders from non-other than our President Kiir himself. I know, this is too much information but it give one a sense where our country seats. I must also assure you that this is just tip of an iceberg, I have more sensitive information to share if need be.

Out of these few tips, you may also conclude that our country is set for a hell of a ride. We are set on a roller coaster doomed to crash anytime. We are very much in a dangerous course of collision, among ourselves and with international bodies. I am afraid, if we do collide though, both have and have not will equally suffer. It is good to write about these so you know. Tomorrow, history will judge us, but we will not pretend that we don’t know and didn’t see it coming.

Who is to blame?

President Kiir is squarely responsible for the messes made and worse that to come. For one, our president has created a conducive environment to allow chaos to take hold. All South Sudanese are damn aware about this reality, it is not secrete anymore because those who killed Isaiah Abraham and Engineer Louis are his coconspirators.

In political realms, logic often defies deception, I wonder if South Sudanese should not continue to push for better change to get rid of untrusted president because of consequences. If I have to bear witness to anything, I can assert that positive change is not easy and could means bloodshed and destruction but worthwhile. History had it that no positive change without any sufferings. To relent to any misrule however is rightly accepting injustice in a golden plate. In our case, relenting is letting another Robert Mugabe to take hold in South Sudan. Pushing for a meaningful change is importance and a revelation that we are consciously aware of our freedom and not being run by proxies Ugandans mercenaries because Kiir cannot trust our gallantry forces.

This is equally true that South Sudanese did not fight the war of liberation for Ugandans to tell us what to do thereafter and run our state of affairs remotely. Thus tell me, we must push for a positive change. We fought injustices to be free and not to be place under authoritarian regime run by foreigners on remote control, because the man we entrusted our aspirations is not a shrewd politician but weak and opened to manipulations.

The recent dissolution of the SPLM party hierarchies by President Salva Kiir is undeniably a confirmation of Robert Mugabe rule. However, the different between Mugabe and Kiir is that the later has seven degrees and the latest has guerilla warfare tact. Subsequently, the question before us and the rest of the world is, are we ready to take on another Robert Mugabe brutality? I leave that to you to ponder, for my goal herein is to provide you with raw information for you to remain fully informed about our state of affairs. Though the current government of South Sudan for example shown us only how to be tribal and primitively remains legion to our tribal bases, a case we must all reject in unison.

SPLM party dissolution was a wrong step

Even demons will agree with me that the dissolution of the SPLM party hierarchies was a wrong step. On November 25, 2013, Sabrino Majok falsely claimed that the dissolution of the SPLM hierarchies by President Kiir was a right step. One wonders, really what a right step is if a grave wrong step suddenly turned good one. I supposed the right step for Majok is to do wrong instead. Despite Majok sandwiching the wrong deed, President Kiir has made a fatal mistake that might end his leadership in the SPLM.

Allow me to state why the dissolution of the SPLM party is wrong and allowing our president to get away with such as a violation is uncalled for and a ticket doom. President Kiir has violated the party constitution. The leaders of the SPLM party were duly and democratically elected in the 2008 party convention, by party members. In this context, no one can ever dissolve the Party structures in a vacuum without the same forum.

For Sabrino Majok, he was wrong for giving the president credits he does not deserve. The reality is our president never earned clear outright credit out of his good deeds. Since the inception of the SPLM in 1983, Salva Kiir Mayardit has never been a good captian. He never captured a town during the war of liberation. My ponding memory of a man is that he allowed thousands of red army perishes under his care in June 1991.

His leadership after Dr. Garang tragic death is marked and riddled with unquestionable failures, sell-outs and premature embarrassing decisions that make us all look fools. As a president his legacy is tainted by rampat corruption, outright thieveries within his own office, premature decisions, and submission to Khartoum by auctioning out 14 mile in Majok’s own state, lands grabing and human rights abuses. To this day, none of the above has been addressed despites his rule for good 8 years as a president. He failed in every step of the way and nothing good is available in public domain for our president, but anguish.

Again, for Majok, I supposed education must be guided by integrity and sincere conviction of how truth can be told. Surprisingly Sabrino Majok intentionally refused to tell the truth but instead bend the truth. For one, the conduct of South Sudan referendum was oversea by none other than Dr. Riek Machar and many other countless South Sudanese who help that referendum succeed. It was unforgivable mistake for Majok to bend that truth just to appease the president and mislead his readers. If anyone deserves any credit for that matter, Dr. Riek does. I must also acknowledge that President Kiir was/is the president of our nation and therefore Riek’s credits can also be attributed to president.

Another misplaced credit is the Sudanese General election in 2010. For one, Kiir failed or refused to run for Sudan presidential candidate in 2010, but instead, he chose to remain in South Sudan and run for lower seat. Had he ran for Sudanese presidential candidate for SPLM’s ticket, the Abyei, the Blue Nile and the Nubian cases would be a done deals by now. Not only that, 2010 election was marked by violence and created rebellions with dire consequences. The elections were striking marked by savageries and uncivilized conducts by many candidates President Kiir included. For example, SPLM-DC party candidate was banned from campaigning in all South Sudan ten states. Therefore, one wonders if these could even be count as a credit rather than shame and undemocratic procession.

The last misplace credit is the “Khartoum stumbling blocks.” Majok failed to give that credit to comrade Pagan Amum simply because he did not want to embarrass our president. But, Pagan Amum himself bravely negotiated all referendum conduct and post referendum terms with Khartoum without any direction from the president because at times the man (president) has nothing to offer. I wonder how Mr. Majok could not see his argument gaps. If anything became of fruition for South Sudan and her people, the credits duly belongs to Pagan. President doesn’t deserve an iota credit but Pagan Amum and those whom he seek their councils.

SPLM failure

First, I thought the culture of blaming game and denial was for Arabs ONLY but Majok’s piece suggested otherwise. The undisputable truth is that President Kiir is squarely responsible for the SPLM underperformance, unless someone is not telling the whole truth like Sabrino Majok to maintain his/her employment. I got it, but for how long are we going to not tell the truth? I must say Sabrino Majok has no point because such these misplaced statements are the ones that misinformed and blurred president’s thinking, which led to SPLM failure.

The SPLM cradle failure begun in 2010 election if Sabrino Majok needs to be reminded about the root cause of the matter. Under President Kiir leadership, SPLM aspirants who were rightfully chosen by our people to carries SPLM’s batons in the states gubernatorial elections were wrongly denied to run on baseless grounds. If Majok didn’t know this is where the failure of the SPLM started and President Kiir is fully responsible. Not Pagan or Dr. Riek but Kiir himself is responsible. Recently, Mr. President Fall-out with his favorites and then he (president) decided to remove them from governorships, which constitute a constitution violation. The premise of their disagreement is that the removed governors happened to place their citizens first instead of taking care of Mr. President’s personal needs. As a result, this caused Chol Tong and Taban Deng their jobs.

Therefore, the removal of the elected Governors also added to the cradle failure of the SPLM. Who did these constitutional violations and who is to be blame? President Kiir. To the make matter worse, he did these violations alone without consulting with his Vice president, Dr. Riek at the time or Political Bureau members for a word. Now, who is responsible? More 110% percent, President Kiir is responsible.

Lastly, President Kiir staffed all the Government of South Sudan sensitive positions with his clan men by disfranchising the rest us who are not from his clan, Awan Chan but patriotic members of the SPLM party. President government discriminated the rest of us based on our tribal and clan affiliations if one happened to be a Dinka by tribe. Besides, in numerous occasions President Kiir refused to call for either Political Bureau or the SPLM National liberation Council meeting to discuss and iron out these problems for better solutions.

Not only that, he also refused to call for SPLM National Convention after Mr. Pagan requested him to do so more than 8 times because he was afraid for being voted out. Now, I would like Sabrino Majok to tell us who destroyed the peoples’ party? In everyone view in South Sudan and aboard, President Kiir did it in flying colors.

Way forward

If President Kiir continued to refuse to reverse his decision, I therefore recommend that he must be given an ultimatum to resign from the peoples’ party, the SPLM’s chairmanship. The political bureau and the SPLM liberation National Council must enforce this with immediate effect. If our president persists, he MUST BE voted out by vote - of -no -confident in absentia from the SPLM party chairman on ground of misconduct and violation of the SPLM party constitution.

J. Nguen is a South Sudanese living in Canada and he can be reached at
nyolgaar@yahoo.com
.










Copyright © 2011 SouthSudan.Net. All Rights Reserved.
info@southsudan.net


Thank you Halfawi

The SPLM is almost the perfect case study in how liberation movements in Africa fail their own masses.

They jettisoned their liberation project and settled for the spoils of power. As a movement, they failed to transform from an armed liberation movement into a political party preferring to dress up the Movement in the attire of the state where former commanders pretend to be “statesmen” relying on patronage networks (tribal and military) to perpetuate their own existence.

So, now it is not at all unexpected to see a certain amount intrigue and adventurism in the behavior of its leadership. One can only hope that bloodbath does not ensue, because the masses of southerners have seen enough killing.
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Last edited by Sultan; 16-Dec-13 at 18:58.
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Old 17-Dec-13, 02:42   #15
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Exclamation

الشرق الأوسط 17/12/2013

سلفا كير يتهم نائبه السابق بتدبير محاولة انقلاب فاشلة

أنباء عن حملة اعتقالات واسعة لقيادات ووزراء جنوب السودان.. واختفاء مشار


لندن: مصطفى سري

اتهم رئيس جنوب السودان سلفا كير ميارديت مجموعة موالية لنائبه السابق المقال الدكتور رياك مشار، بالضلوع في عملية انقلابية فاشلة، بدأت في وقت متأخر من مساء أول من أمس، واستمرت حتى صباح الاثنين، معلنا حظرا للتجوال في شوارع المدينة من الساعة السادسة مساء إلى السادسة صباح اليوم التالي بالتوقيت المحلي، مؤكدا أن الأوضاع «تحت السيطرة». بينما دعا الأمين السابق لحزب «الحركة الشعبية» الحاكم، باقان أموم، إلى الحوار السلمي وإجراء المصالحة بين قيادات الحزب؛ مؤكدا حدوث حملة اعتقال واسعة وسط قيادات الحزب عقب الإعلان عن فشل عملية الانقلاب.ء

وقال كير، الذي كان يرتدي البزة العسكرية، في مؤتمر صحافي عقده صباح أمس وسط وزرائه وقيادات الأمن، إن «مجموعة رفضت الخيار الديمقراطي للبلاد واتجهت لقلب (نظام) الحكم»، مسميا نائبه السابق مشار ومجموعته بكونهم وراء العملية.ء

وأضاف كير: «لكن انقلابهم فشل، والأوضاع عادت إلى الهدوء»، مشددا على أن المتورطين في العملية سيجري تقديمهم إلى محاكمة عادلة، وأن «القيادات التي قامت بهذا الفعل أخفت نفسها، ودفعت بالجنود إلى الحرب.. ولكن سنلقي القبض عليهم ونقدمهم إلى المحكمة».ء

وأعلن كير حظر التجوال من الساعة السادسة مساء إلى السادسة صباحا، بدءا من أمس، من دون أن يحدد أجل هذا الحظر، داعيا المواطنين إلى معاودة أعمالهم بشكل طبيعي، مؤكدا أن الشرطة والأجهزة الأمنية والقوات المسلحة ستتولى حمايتهم وتحقيق الاستقرار.ء

وقدم رئيس جنوب السودان تفاصيل حول كيفية تدبير «الانقلاب»، وقال إن الحزب الحاكم كان في حالة انعقاد لمجلس التحرير الوطني، الذي انتهى أول من أمس. وأضاف: «سمحنا للرفاق بالذهاب إلى أداء صلاة الأحد، ولكن عندما عاد الجميع فوجئنا بخروج تلك المجموعة، التي يبدو أنها كانت تدبر للانقلاب»، متابعا «غابوا عن بقية الجلسات ليخططوا لقلب الحكم.. لكنهم فشلوا».ء

وأشار كير إلى أنه لا يعلم مكان مشار، وحول الأنباء التي تتردد عن أنه ربما لجأ إلى السفارة الأميركية، قال كير: «لا أعلم أين رياك مشار، وما تردد عن أنه في السفارة الأميركية معلومة لا أعرفها، وطبعا لن نداهم السفارة للقبض عليه»، لكنه أضاف أن «الأجهزة الأمنية قبضت على عدد كبير منهم (الانقلابيين)».ء

من جانبها، نفت السفارة الأميركية في جوبا على حسابها على موقع «تويتر» شائعات لجوء مشار إليها، وقالت إنها تراقب الوضع الأمني في البلاد. ونقلت تقارير إخبارية أن السفارة أعلنت أنها مغلقة مؤقتا عقب بدء الاشتباكات.ء

وخلال كلمته، قال كير إن «هذا عمل إجرامي، ولمن يقف خلفهم أن يعلم أن خطتهم فشلت.. سنكشف لاحقا عن تفاصيلهم وأوراقهم ومن يقف وراءهم من الخارج». وأضاف: «التحقيقات إذا ثبتت ضد أي مجرم فسيذهب إلى المحاكمة، لأننا لا نريد أن تسود الفوضى.. بل تكون دولة القانون». وتابع كير: «لا يمكن لمن يحمل بندقية أن يتجه للسيطرة على الإذاعة والتلفزيون، ومنها يقول إنه سيطر على الحكم.. عهد الانقلابات انتهى، وللأبد. والجيش يسيطر على الوضع تماما، وسيجري اعتقال أي متورط».ء

وبينما قالت مصادر، فضلت عدم تعريفها، لـ«الشرق الأوسط»، إن السلطات الأمنية قامت باعتقال عدد من القيادات في حزب «الحركة الشعبية» الحاكم عقب المؤتمر الصحافي لكير، موضحة أن من بين المعتقلين وزير الأمن السابق واياي دينق أجاك، ووزير الداخلية الأسبق قيير شوانق، ووزير الشباب دكتور شيرنيو أتينق.. وأضافت المصادر أن حملة الاعتقالات سوف تستمر بحسب ما أعلنه كير في مؤتمره بملاحقة المتورطين، بينما ما زال رياك مشار غائبا ولم يعرف مصيره.ء

من جهته، أوضح الأمين العام السابق لحزب «الحركة الشعبية» الحاكم، باقان أموم، لـ«الشرق الأوسط»، إن الأوضاع في بلاده غير واضحة حتى الوقت الراهن، معربا عن أسفه على الأحداث الجارية، وداعيا إلى ضبط النفس.ء

ونأى أموم عن وصف ما حدث بأنه «انقلاب عسكري»، مؤكدا حدوث حملة اعتقال واسعة أمس. وقال: «لا بد من حل الأزمة سلميا حتى تعود (الحركة الشعبية) لتقديم قيادة قادرة تستطيع وضع رؤية واضحة لبناء الأمة والدولة عبر الخيار الديمقراطي وتوفر السلام والاستقرار.. إننا ندعو إلى نبذ العنف، والطريق الوحيد للخروج من هذه الأزمة الماثلة هو إتاحة الحريات والسعي لحل الخلافات عبر الحوار السلمي والسياسي وتوحيد شعب جنوب السودان».ء

وكانت مجموعة يقودها رياك مشار وباقان أموم، وعدد آخر من قيادات الحزب، بينهم دينق ألور عضو المكتب السياسي وأرملة زعيم ومؤسس الحركة ربيكا قرنق، أعلنوا في مؤتمر صحافي الأسبوع الماضي أن رئيس الحزب والدولة سلفا كير يقود البلاد نحو الهاوية، غير أن كير رد عليهم بعنف وقال إنه لن يسمح للمجموعة المناوئة له بأخذ الأمور بيدهم، وكان كير قد سبق مجموعة مشار بإقالتهم من مناصبهم الحكومية والحزبية منذ يوليو (تموز) الماضي.ء

وكان عدد من شهود العيان تحدثوا إلى «الشرق الأوسط» قالوا إن القتال اندلع بين جنود قوات الجيش الحكومي وعناصر مسلحة في وقت متأخر من مساء الأحد، واستمر حتى الساعات الأولى من صباح أمس. وأكدوا أن الشوارع ظلت خالية من المارة، لكن أصوات الرصاص والمدافع كانت تسمع من ناحية القيادة العامة للجيش، مرجحين أن يكون ما حدث «تمردا عسكريا».ء

وتضاربت الأقوال حول الخسائر المادية أو البشرية، وقال الشهود إن الأجواء في شوارع العاصمة جوبا ما زالت متوترة، وإن هناك خوفا في أوساط المدنيين من انتقال المعارك إلى الولايات الأخرى، مشيرين إلى انقطاع البث الإذاعي والتلفزيوني، قبل أن يعود صباح أمس.ء

من جانبه، قال المتحدث باسم جيش جنوب السودان، فيليب أقوير، لـ«الشرق الأوسط»، إن قوات الجيش تسيطر على الأوضاع، التي عادت إلى الهدوء بعد تبادل إطلاق النار الكثيف الذي شهدته جوبا، غير أنه لم يؤكد عدد الضحايا الذين سقطوا خلال الأحداث، حيث تقول مصادر غير حكومية إن العدد وصل إلى نحو 20 قتيلا، بينهم مدنيون وعدد من الجرحى، إلى جانب هروب الكثيرين إلى مباني الأمم المتحدة ومطار جوبا الدولي خوفا من القتال.ء

من جهته، ذكر متحدث باسم الأمم المتحدة أن نحو 800 مدني لجأوا إلى مقر للمنظمة الدولية قرب المطار، وأضاف عبر الهاتف لوكالة «رويترز» أن سبعة عولجوا لإصابتهم بطلقات نارية، بينهم طفل في الثانية من العمر.ء

وكانت مبعوثة الأمم المتحدة في جنوب السودان، هيلدا جونسون، دعت في وقت سابق من فجر الاثنين إلى وقف القتال، وقالت إنها على اتصال مع قادة البلاد. بينما نقلت وكالة «الأناضول» التركية نصيحة السفارة البريطانية في جوبا لرعاياها بالتزام منازلهم، وتجنب التحرك إلا للضرورة.ء

من جانبه، قال إتني ويك إتني، المتحدث الرئاسي، إن الاشتباكات المسلحة بدأت بين جنود الحرس الرئاسي في ثكنة جبل. وأضاف أن «الجميع في حالة ترقب، ومبعوثة الأمم المتحدة تقوم بمهمة مكوكية بين معسكري كير ومشار لإنهاء القتال».ء

واختلف الصحافيون والنشطاء من جنوب السودان حول من يقف وراء الانقلاب، حيث اتهم بعضهم مشار، والأمين العام السابق لـ«الحركة الشعبية» باقان أموم، قائلين إن جنودا موالين لمشار هم من بدأوا عملية إطلاق النار. وأضافوا أن الاشتباكات اندلعت في قاعدة «بلفام» حيث مقر القيادة العامة، وكذلك في ثكنات الجيش في قاعدة «الجبل» حيث يوجد الحرس الجمهوري. بينما ذهب صحافيون ونشطاء آخرون إلى أن ما حدث هو تدبير من الجناح الحاكم بقيادة سلفا كير لتصفية خصومه، بعد أن فشل في ذلك عبر مؤسسات الحزب.ء


http://www.aawsat.com//details.asp?s...&issueno=12803
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Old 17-Dec-13, 16:32   #16
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Exclamation اشتباكات لليوم الثاني في جنوب السودان ومقتل 26 على الاقل

رويترز

Tue Dec 17, 2013 3:35pm GMT

اشتباكات لليوم الثاني في جنوب السودان ومقتل 26 على الاقل

جوبا (رويترز) - اندلعت الاشتباكات من جديد في جوبا عاصمة جنوب السودان يوم الثلاثاء غداة اعلان الرئيس سلفا كير ان قوات الامن قضت على "محاولة انقلاب" دبرها أنصار نائبه السابق ريك مشار.ء

وقال شهود عيان إن الصباح الباكر شهد اطلاقا مستمرا للنار وتفجيرات وأعقبت ذلك فترة هدوء نسبي استمرت بضع ساعات استؤنف بعدها اطلاق النار بصورة متفرقة.ء

وقال دونالد بوث مبعوث الولايات المتحدة الخاص لشؤون السودان وجنوب السودان لهيئة الاذاعة البريطانية بي.بي.سي. "الوضع ما زال متوترا وغير مستقر."ء

وقتل 26 شخصا على الاقل في الاشتباكات التي كشفت عمق الانقسام العرقي في جنوب السودان بعد عامين من انفصاله عن السودان.ء

وقال الرئيس سلفا كير يوم الاثنين ان القتال بين مجموعتين من أفراد الجيش كان محاولة للاستيلاء على السلطة من جانب ريك مشار النائب السابق للرئيس الذي أقيل في يوليو تموز.ء

وينتمي الرجلان إلى جماعتين عرقيتين متنافستين وقعت بينهما اشتباكات في الماضي ويتنافسان سياسيا منذ أمد طويل. وقال محللون ان الانقسامات تزيد عمقا وان الخصومات في صفوف الجيش مستعرة منذ فترة طويلة.ء

وبسبب ضعف الاتصالات في جوبا حيث لا تعمل خطوط الهاتف المحمول منذ مساء الاثنين يصعب الحصول على معلومات أشمل بخصوص عدد قتلى الاشتباكات التي استخدمت فيها الاسلحة الثقيلة والمدفعية.ء

وقال ماكور ماتور كاريوم وكيل وزارة الصحة لرويترز ان 26 شخصا على الاقل قتلوا في الاشتباكات في العاصمة إلى جانب سقوط كثير من الجرحى.ء

وقال كاريوم من مستشفى جوبا التعليمي حيث كان يعالج الجرحى "هؤلاء هم الاشخاص الذين استقبلناهم في المستشفى والذين توفوا بالفعل في المستشفى. الذين ماتوا خارج المستشفى ليس لدينا معلومات عن عددهم."ء

وقال موظف بالامم المتحدة ان السكان قرب مطار جوبا المغلق منذ يوم الاثنين استيقظوا قبل الفجر على أصوات الاعيرة النارية والانفجارات. كما تحدث آخرون عن سماع اطلاق النار على فترات.ء

وتجد حكومة جنوب السودان صعوبة كبيرة في إنشاء جهاز دولة فعال منذ إعلان استقلال البلاد عن السودان في 2011.ء

والقتال هو أحدث انتكاسة لجنوب السودان وهو من بين دول أفريقيا الأكثر فقرا. وكان انتاج النفط وهو مصدر الدخل الرئيسي للبلاد توقف لمدة 15 شهرا حتى ابريل نيسان بسبب خلاف مع السودان الذي يوجد به خط الأنابيب الرئيسي لتصدير النفط.ء

وأدى توقف عائدات النفط وتدفق المال إلى اشتداد التوتر بين السكان الذين يبلغ عددهم 11 مليون نسمة وكانوا يتطلعون إلى جني مكاسب الاستقلال المبكرة لكنهم يقولون إن الدولة الجديدة يتفشى فيها الفساد كما كان الحال في السودان القديم.ء

وقال سدريك بارنز مدير مشروعات مجموعة الأزمات للقرن الأفريقي والمقيم في نيروبي "كان وقف تصدير النفط مقامرة كبرى."ء

وأضاف "حمل ذلك النظام بمجمله بضغوط شديدة. وأضفت كل الأطراف صبغة سياسية على محاولات المصالحة داخل جنوب السودان."ء

والخلاف بين كير ومشار قديم وتقاتلت مجموعتاهما خلال الحرب الأهلية في السودان.ء

وأقال الرئيس الذي ينتمي لقبيلة الدنكا ذات الوضع المهيمن في جنوب السودان نائبه مشار الذي ينتمي لقبيلة النوير بعد تزايد الاستياء الشعبي من فشل الحكومة في تحقيق تحسن ملموس في الخدمات العامة والمطالب الاساسية الاخرى.ء

لكن محللين قالوا ان التوترات كانت تتصاعد داخل الجيش وفقا للخطوط العرقية نفسها بعيدا عن التنافس بين كير ومشار. وقالوا ان جهود المصالحة الوطنية تعثرت حيث انشغل المسؤولون بالمشاكل اليومية لادارة دولة بلا ايرادات تقريبا.ء

وقال المحللون ان سيطرة ساسة الحركة الشعبية لتحرير السودان قد تكون محدودة الآن على الفصيلين المتنافسين داخل الجيش الشعبي لتحرير السودان اللذين تقاتلا يوم الاثنين في معارك تركزت حول ثكنتين إلى الشمال والجنوب من جوبا.ء

وتمس حاجة جنوب السودان إلى التنمية فبرغم أنه دولة لا تنقصها المساحة ولا الموارد فما زال يفتقر حتى إلى الطرق المرصوفة ويشكو مواطنوه من المشاكل نفسها التي كانوا يرونها في السودان القديم أي الفساد وسوء الخدمات العامة وقمع الدولة للمعارضين والاعلام.ء

وفرض كير يوم الإثنين حظر التجول ليلا من السادسة مساء إلى السادسة صباحا لاعادة الهدوء. ويقول سكان إن الحملة الأمنية تزيد الحياة صعوبة على صعوبة.ء

وقال موظف اغاثة في جوبا طلب عدم نشر اسمه "الغذاء والماء مشكلة للسكان إذ ليس لديهم برادات أو كهرباء ومن ثم يشترون الطعام يوميا تقريبا... لم يخزنوا شيئا ويشعرون بالقلق."ء

ولجأ ما يربو على عشرة الاف مدني إلى مجمعين للامم المتحدة في المدينة. وتقول وكالات الاغاثة الانسانية انها لا تستطيع تحديد عدد القتلى والجرحى لانه لا يسمح لها بالخروج الى الشوارع.ء

من أندرو جرين

ء(إعداد رفقي فخري للنشرة العربية - تحرير عمر خليل)ء



http://ara.reuters.com/article/topNe...131217?sp=true
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Old 17-Dec-13, 16:36   #17
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Default إعتقال باقان أموم

حريات 17/12/2013

إعتقال باقان أموم

إعتقلت قوة من الأجهزة الأمنية مسنودة بعناصر من الحرس الجمهوري والإستخبارات ، القيادي بالحركة الشعبية باقان أموم ، من منزله بجوبا في حوالي الساعة 11 من صباح اليوم الثلاثاء 17 ديسمبر.ء

وقال مراسل (حريات) من جوبا ، ان قوة مسلحة مكونة من عناصر من مختلف الأجهزة الأمنية ، قوامها أكثر من (100) مسلح أقتحمت منزل باقان أموم بالقرب من مطار جوبا وإعتقلته حيث تم إقتياده إلى جهة غير معلومة.ء

وقال مصدر مقرب لباقان أموم لـ (حريات) ، انهم لا يعرفون مكان القائد باقان أموم ، إلا ان مصادر أخرى تحدثت لمراسل (حريات) قالت ان باقان معتقل بمكتب يتبع للأجهزة الأمنية بمنطقة (البلك).ء

وأضاف انه تأكد كذلك إعتقال كل من : تعبان دينق القيادي البارز بالحركة الشعبية وحاكم ولاية الوحدة السابق والسفير ازيكيل جاتكوث والفريد لادو غور وزير البيئة السابق وحاكم البحيرات شول تونغ مايايا.ء

وكانت الأجهزة الأمنية شنت حملة إعتقالات واسعة طالت عددا كبيرا من قادة الحركة الشعبية السياسيين والعسكريين ، أبرزهم: ماجاك أقوت نائب وزير الدفاع السابق ، و واياي دينق أجاك وزير الأمن السابق ، ووزير الداخلية الأسبق قيير شوانق ، ووزير الشباب دكتور شيرنيو أتينق.ء





http://www.hurriyatsudan.com/?p=136599
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Old 17-Dec-13, 17:11   #18
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December 17, 2013 (JUBA) – The South Sudanese government said it has managed to contain military clashes in the capital, Juba, from spreading to its outskirts, despite the continuous sound of gun battles on Tuesday morning.

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South Sudan’s president, Salva Kiir, addresses a news conference at the presidential palace in the capital Juba, on 16 December 2013 (Photo: Reuters/Hakim George)
Fierce clashes erupted on Monday evening in Magiri, a military headquarters for the army’s second division, which currently covers the entire Eastern and parts of Central Equatoria states.

The usually busy streets in Juba remain largely deserted as residents fear a serious deterioration in the security situation despite assurances from the government that it is in full control.

A Sudan Tribune reporter said soldiers on foot and in armoured vehicles can be seen patrolling the city, while armed men dressed in civilian clothes believed to be security agents were guarding key institutions, including the ministry complex and presidential palace.

Security forces are reportedly stopping motorists and searching those deemed to be suspicious, while most shops have been closed since Monday.

A joint security operation started last evening after president Salva Kiir announced a dusk-to-dawn curfew from 6pm to 7am (local time).

Health officials said at least 26 people had been confirmed dead in the hospital, but there are fears the numbers could steadily rise.

The ministry of health, however, said it deployed 70 medical doctors to treat more than 113 people with gunshot wounds at Juba teaching hospital.

Aleu Ayeny Aleu, the country’s interior minister, maintains the situation is under control.

“The general police command, with other organs, calls on the citizens to remain calm as they resume their normal duties. Your government is in full control of the general situation. The disgruntled soldiers are being hunted and evicted from the pockets where they are suspected to be hiding”, he told Sudan Tribune on Tuesday.

However, citizens have expressed safety fears as gunshots continued to be heard across the city.

“When I came out today I saw bodies everywhere. I recognised two friends and one [of] three women lying dead. So I returned to the house and never went out again until the shooting subsided yesterday afternoon”, Dominic Alfred, a resident of Suksita, said on Tuesday.

Angelina Muite, another resident of Suksita, said two of her children were killed by a mortar fired into her house, destroying her home and setting a generator and television ablaze.

JPEG - 17.4 kb
A miltary tank patrols one of the main roads in the South Sudanese capital, Juba, on 16 December 2013 (Photo: Reuters/Hakim George)
“She wept until we decided to call a priest whom we took her to a nearby house to calm down. [The] priest biblically told her that her children have gone to the paradise”, a resident seated next to Muite said.

In a statement aired on the state-owned SSTV, the cabinet affairs minister Martin Lomuro said he had personally visited key areas across the city, including Juba teaching hospital, where he found 70 medical personnel, 10 of whom were trained specialists, including the under-secretary of the ministry of health, Makur Kuriom, busy attending to more than 113 people with gunshot wounds.

“I want to thank our ministry of health for this tremendous job well done. I went to Juba teaching hospital and I saw the work being done by our doctors”, Lomuro said.

NOT TRIBAL RELATED

Meanwhile, Lomuro dismissed reports that the violent outbreak was tribal related, as has been alleged by some sections of the public, saying it was an act by “individuals with political interest”.

“When I was moving today I saw [a] large influx of Ugandans and our citizens from [the] Nuer [tribe] to UNMISS (United Nations Mission in South Sudan). I want to say that what happened had nothing to do with tribe, but [was] an act of by individuals with political interest”, he said.

“Today, the chief-of-staff of our army is a Nuer; we also have cabinet ministers. This is their government”, he added.

(ST)

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Old 17-Dec-13, 23:36   #19
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400-500 reported dead in South Sudan clashes: UN official

(AFP) – 33 minutes ago

UNITED NATIONS (United States) — Between 400 and 500 bodies have reportedly been taken to hospitals in South Sudan's capital after clashes between rival army factions, a UN official told the UN Security Council on Tuesday.

UN peacekeeping chief Herve Ladsous added that another 800 people have been wounded in battles between troops loyal to President Salva Kiir and an opposition leader, according to diplomats in the closed council consultations on the new crisis in Africa.

Ladsous said the information was based on reports given by Juba hospitals but the UN has not yet confirmed the toll amid new clashes on Tuesday.

About 15,000 people have sought refuge in UN compounds around Juba since the troubles started on Sunday, the official was quoted as saying.

Juba remains "extremely tense" and it appeared the clashes were being carried out between ethnic groups, Ladsous told the 15-member council.

Salva Kiir has accused troops loyal to former vice president Riek Machar of staging a coup attempt in the impoverished nation. The government said 10 key figures including ex-ministers have been arrested, but that Riek Machar was on the run.

Salva Kiir is an ethnic Dinka while Riek Machar is a Nuer.

UN leader Ban Ki-moon spoke with Salva Kiir on Tuesday and urged him to offer "dialogue" with the opposition. Ban also spoke with the president of neighboring Uganda, Yoweri Musseveni, about the unrest, officials said.



http://www.google.com/hostednews/afp...4ac96e26&hl=en
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Old 18-Dec-13, 16:59   #20
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Exclamation Two elephants trample the grass


South Sudan

Two elephants trample the grass

Factional violence in the new country may be getting out of control
Dec 21st 2013 | NAIROBI | From the print edition

SALVA KIIR’s sudden appearance on television on December 16th was as disturbing for its form as its content. Gone were the South Sudanese president’s familiar black suit and cowboy hat; instead was a military uniform. Juba, the fledgling state’s capital, had been rocked by fierce fighting the previous day between factions of the army. Mr Kiir (pictured) declared that a coup attempt by his sacked vice-president, Riek Machar, had been foiled. The government, he said, was in control.

That, it turned out the next day, was wishful thinking. Fighting was continuing as The Economist went to press. Several hundred people were reported to have been killed. Tanks were seen firing into Mr Machar’s home compound in Juba. The UN said that up to 20,000 fearful civilians were cowering within its two bases in Juba. A dusk-to-dawn curfew was imposed and the airport closed. But the international body itself seemed powerless to hold the ring. It is the biggest crisis since South Sudan won independence from the rump state of Sudan in 2011.


Castigating Mr Machar as “a prophet of doom”, the president sought to justify a crackdown on his rival’s supporters, including some in the government. Seven ministers hostile to Mr Kiir were said to be on the run; some were later thought to have been arrested. Mr Machar, who has apparently gone into hiding, hails from the new country’s second-largest ethnic group, the Nuer, whereas Mr Kiir is from the more populous Dinka. Mr Kiir has lately been accused of cementing his tribe’s hold on power, while smaller communities resent what they see as Dinka domination. The army’s make-up reflects the country’s ethnic divisions.

The first shots were fired on December 14th after Nuer members of the president’s guard heard false reports that Mr Machar, their fellow tribesman, had been arrested. “It was not a real coup attempt,” said a security analyst. As in past crises, “it was an accident based on paranoia and rumour.” But this time around, matters slid out of control. On December 16th fighting was reported in Pibor, 340km (210 miles) north-east of Juba. By the next day violence had reached at least one other town. There were fears it could spread across the impoverished oil-producing country.

Tensions have been high since July, when the president sacked his entire government amid suspicions that his deputy wanted to topple him by political means. Mr Machar has openly stated his ambition to run for president in elections due in 2015.

Diplomats in Juba still hope that a full-scale civil war along purely ethnic lines can be averted. Western donors and the UN may seek to use the influence of their billions of dollars in aid to broker a settlement. Rebellions and reconciliation have been common in South Sudan; Mr Kiir and Mr Machar have a long history of squabbles followed by deals. Mr Machar is said to lack support in the army. But nearly half of the ruling party’s politburo backed him before Mr Kiir sacked him in July.

This row, in any event, looks a lot worse than before. The president has become increasingly militant and dictatorial. Those closest to him see a changed man and wonder whether recent health problems, which necessitated a visit to South Africa for treatment, may have affected his judgment. A diplomat who has known him since the civil war said he was “completely different” from the Kiir he once knew.


From the print edition: Middle East and Africa

http://www.economist.com/news/middle...-two-elephants
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Old 19-Dec-13, 17:07   #21
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16 killed in tribal clashes in Unity oil fields


December 19, 2013 (BENTIU) - Officials in South Sudan’s Unity state said clashes between oil workers from rival clans at the Unity and Tharjath oil fields on Thursday have left 16 dead, while over 200 people from the Dinka tribe are currently seeking refuge in the UN compound in Bentiu town.


In an exclusive interview on Thursday, acting state governor Mabeak Lang De Mading told Sudan Tribune the incident took place at about 2am (local time) when oil company employees from the Nuer tribe coordinated twin attacks on both oil fields, targeting Dinka living in the area.

Tensions have been building in the Nuer community in Bentiu after it emerged around 500 people were killed by security personnel loyal to South Sudanese president Salva Kiir in an outbreak of violence in the capital, Juba.

The latest outbreak of violence came just hours after state government officials called for calm in a radio broadcast on state-run Bentiu FM 99. In the broadcast officials cautioned communities to refrain from carrying revenge attacks on Dinka tribe members living in Bentiu.

Mading said the government is now working on widening its security measures for the protection of all people.

"We are calling on the general public to refrain from killing each other; as the case in Juba is national issue, it should not be put on tribal lines", he said.

However, Sudan Tribune’s correspondent in Unity State reported hearing heavy gunfire in the Bentiu area from 7pm local time. It has not been possible to confirm the exact location.

About 500 people had been killed in Juba since clashes broke out late on Sunday, after forces alleged to be loyal to former vice-president Riek Machar launched an attack on a South Sudanese army (SPLA) barracks in Juba.

Kiir initially accused his former deputy and his supporters of orchestrating an alleged coup attempt to overthrow the government, although he has since back-tracked on those statements.

Reports are emerging that soldiers specifically targeted people from the Nuer ethnic group as violence spread across the capital.

US-based think tank think International Crisis Group (ICG) warned on Thursday that South Sudan was on the brink of a full-scale civil war, as the conflict increasingly takes on tribal dimensions.

On Wednesday, SPLA defectors believed to be loyal to Machar seized control of Jonglei state capital Bor.

The soldiers are led by dissident commander Gen. Peter Gatdet Yak, who reportedly defected from the SPLA after allegations Nuer were targeted in the current tensions.

South Sudan Red Cross (SSRC) said at least 19 bodies were found on Wednesday, bringing the death toll to 22, including three children who perished after their boat capsized while attempting to cross the Nile River.

Thousands of people are also taking shelter inside the city’s UN compound.

Bentiu resident Younis Biel says he blames both Kiir and Machar for the current chaos engulfing in the country.

He also urged the international community to put more efforts in to preventing the conflict escalating into civil war.

“If the world leaders would have not forgotten us they would have captured both Salva Kiir and Riek Machar to be answerable on the deadly incidents. Our citizens suffer most on the hand of Salva Kiir and Riek Machar’, said Biel.

Biel said he was concerned that after South Sudan’s more than two-decades-long struggle with Sudan for freedom and independence, the new nation was now at risk of dividing itself along ethnic lines.

In a telephone conversation with Kiir on Wednesday, UN secretary-general Ban Ki-Moon called for an amicable and peaceful resolution to the current crisis through dialogue rather than violence.

(ST)


http://www.sudantribune.com/spip.php?article49247
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Old 19-Dec-13, 17:15   #22
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يا حليل الحزب الشيوعي الكان يهز ويرز بقى مراسلة وهِتِّيف ومطبلاتي للحركة الشعبية
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Old 20-Dec-13, 17:52   #23
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Exclamation الصراع المسلح في دولة الجنوب يفاقم من معاناة المواطنين

الميدان 19يسمبر 2013

كلمة الميدان

الصراع المسلح في دولة الجنوب يفاقم من معاناة المواطنين


الوضع المأساوي في الجنوب كان متوقعاً لكل متابع للأحوال الاقتصادية والسياسية والاجتماعية والخدمية. وقلنا نحن في الحزب الشيوعي السوداني: إن انفصال الجنوب سيكون وبالاً ليس على الجنوب وحسب بل على الشمال أيضا. وكان أول مسمار يدقُ في نعش وحدة السودان هو الاتفاق الثنائي بين المؤتمر الوطني والحركة الشعبية. أبعد فيه شعب السودان عن قصد ومع سبق الإصرار ورضوخاً لسياسات الولايات المتحدة الأمريكية وحلفائها من المشاركة في تحديد مصير السودان كشريك أصيل أو حتى مراقب لأي اتفاق يتم بين المتفاوضين.ء

وانتقلت ذات الخلافات حول المناصب واقتسام السلطة والثروة، خاصة بعد استشهاد د. جون قرن دي مابيور، وحذت حكومة الجنوب حذو حكومة المؤتمر الوطني وقع الحافر على الحافر. تم استقطاب السلطة والثروة في يد حفنة من قيادات الحكومة والحركة الشعبية. استغلوا أموال البترول في تشييد القصور والعمارات الشاهقة والفنادق الضخمة كاستثمارات خاصة. وعم الفساد كل مناصب الدولة دون استثناء. وهمشوا المواطنين الجنوبيين الذين كانوا وقوداً للحرب ومضوا سنوات من عمرهم ينتظرون عائد تضحياتهم تتمثل في الاستقرار مع أسرهم والعيش في سلام وتعويض ما دمرته الحرب من منازلهم وممتلكاتهم؛ ولكن ذهبت أحلاهم أدراج الرياح، ولم يجدوا غير التهميش والفقر المطلق والجوع المدقع الذي أورثهم كل أنواع الأمراض. ولازالوا في نفس أكواخهم المائلة التي ترقد تحت أقدام عمارات أخوتهم في الحرب.ء

هذه هي الأسباب الواقعية والأساسية للغضب العارم الذي يرى كل ذلك أمامه. وفي مجتمع قبلي، كان من المؤمل منه التنمية والتطور، زاد الالتصاق بالقبيلة طلباً للنجدة المفقودة عند النظام. ولهذا فإن الصراع الدموي الدائر ليس صراعاً من أجل تطوير الجنوب وإخراجه من البدائية إلى مشارف القرن الحادي والعشرين، بل صراع حول السلطة واقتسام الثروة بعيداً عن الشعب. يؤكد ذلك امتداد الحرب إلى مناطق أخرى مثل البيبور وجونقلي وبور وغيرهم. وإذا لم يتم تدارك هذا الوضع فإنه سيتحول إلى حرب أهلية قبلية تعم كل الجنوب.ء

نحن في الحزب الشيوعي، ضد الحرب ونقف ضد الصراعات القبلية وسيطرة قبيلة أو أثنين على مقاليد الحكم والاستئثار بالثروة والسلطة لفئة من هذه القبائل. الحل يكمن في وقف الحرب والحوار بين الأطراف المتصارعة وإشراك كل قبائل وأحزاب الجنوب بما فيها رجال الدين بمختلف مسمياتهم لوضع حد للصراع والامتثال للدستور الذي لا يفوق بين المواطنين قبلياً أو دينياً أو لغوياً أو جهوياً، مع التنمية المتوازنة لتعمير ما دمرته الحرب. وتبديل السياسيات القديمة لوضع حد للفساد واستقطاب الثروة لتصب في التنمية والتعمير. لابد من الحوار السلمي الذي يشرك كافة القوى السياسية التي تضع البديل للحرب واستدامة الجنوب وتطويره.ء


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Old 22-Dec-13, 17:39   #24
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Exclamation جنوب السودان صراع له تاريخ

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حريات 20/12/2013

جنوب السودان صراع له تاريخ!ء


محجوب محمد صالح

رغم أن انفجار الأوضاع في جنوب السودان مطلع هذا الأسبوع بدأ للبعض مفاجئا إلا أن الذين ظلوا يتابعون مجريات الأحداث والعلاقات بين المجموعات السياسية والعرقية المختلفة التي تشكل الحركة الشعبية والتوتر الخفي الذي يسود تلك العلاقات لم يفاجأوا بهذا الانفجار، وكانت إرهاصاته تتواتر في سماوات الدولة الوليدة وظلت حاضرة منذ مرحلة الصراع المسلح ضد دولة السودان ولكن شخصية د.جون قرنق خلال حياته مكنته من الإمساك بكل الخيوط واحتواء كافة الأزمات إلى أن حقق انتصاره الأكبر بتوقيع اتفاقية السلام الشامل مطلع العام 2005 ولكن القدر لم يمهله ليدير شؤون الحركة وهي تجتاز المرحلة الانتقالية، وقد واجهت الحركة الشعبية أصعب التحديات برحيل جون قرنق ولم تكن بين صفوفها شخصية قيادية مجمع عليها لتوحيد كل عناصر الحركة لتولي القيادة ولكن يحسب لصالحها أنها تمكنت من توحيد صفوفها تحت ضغط الأزمة والتفت حول قيادة سلفاكير متناسية ولو بصورة مؤقتة صراعها الداخلي الحاد والذي كان وصل ذروته في اجتماع قادتها في رومبيك آخر العام 2004 في اجتماع مشهود واجه خلاله جون قرنق أخطر الاتهامات الموجهة لأسلوب إدارته للحركة وكان سلفاكير هو نجم ذلك الاجتماع الذي نشرت وقائعه لاحقا وكان محور هجومه (أولاد قرنق) في إشارة سالبة للمجموعة الصغيرة المحيطة بزعيم الحركة آنذاك د.جون قرنق واتهامه بمنحهم من السلطات في إدارة الحركة ما يفوق وضعهم فيها وتهميش القيادات الأخرى الأكثر تأثيراً – والأسماء التي وجه لها المتحدثون الاتهامات في ذلك اللقاء هي نفس الأسماء التي تقود المعارضة اليوم ضد سلفاكير والتي تعتقد أنه يسعى لتصفية حساباته معهم وفق حيثياته التي طرحها في اجتماع رومبيك عام 2004 وأنه سكت عنهم طوال هذه الفترة ليبني قواعده داخل الحركة بعد أن قبلوا قيادته للمرحلة الانتقالية وأنه كان يخطط للإطاحة بهم في الوقت المناسب الذي حل الآن.ء

شخص واحد لم يكن ضمن مجموعة (أولاد قرنق) هو د.رياك مشار الذي خرج من الحركة باكراً ومعه الدكتور لام أكول ووصل إلى اتفاق مع حكومة السودان (اتفاقية الخرطوم للسلام) وأطلق على حركته اسم (حركة استقلال جنوب السودان) في وقت كانت الحركة الشعبية ترفع شعار (السودان الجديد) وتعلن تمسكها بوحدة السودان وتحالفت قواته مع قوات الحكومة ضد جيش الحركة وأدار معارك شرسة بين قبيلته (قبيلة النوير) ضد قبيلة دينكا بور فسقط آلاف الضحايا ونهبت المواشي والممتلكات وحملت الحركة رياك مشار المسؤولية الكاملة عن تلك المأساة – ولكن رياك مشار فارق حكومة السودان بآخره ليعود ويطلب الرجوع للحركة والذي أثار الاستغراب أن جون قرنق لم يقبله فحسب بل منحه وضعا داخل الحركة أعلى من وضع لام أكول الذي عاد – أيضاً – لصفوف الحركة.ء

بهذه الخلفية فإن (رياك مشار) الذي يتهمه الجنوبيون بالطموح الزائد والسعي لحكم الجنوب ووراثة جون قرنق ليس حليفا طبيعيا (لأولاد جون قرنق) الذين يقودهم باقان أموم ودينق الور وآخرون، وإن التحالف القائم بينهم اليوم ليس سوى زواج متعة ولا يجمع بينهم سوى استهداف قيادة سلفاكير وهو يدرك ذلك تماما وظل منذ عام 2005 يبني زعامته بأسلوبه الخاص وبتحالفاته الخاصة استعداداً لمثل هذا اليوم. الانفجار العنيف الذي يعيشه الجنوب اليوم هو الحصاد الطبيعي لصراعات هذه الصفوة وهي صراعات ظلت تنضج على نار هادئة ولكنها باتت تتصاعد تدريجيا منذ بداية هذا العام عندما بدأ تحالف (مشار/ باقان) يطرح قضية (خلافة سلفاكير) في قيادة الحركة ويعبر علانية عن رغبة كلا الجناحين المتحالفين (جناح باقان وجناح مشار) في طرح أنفسهما كمنافسين لسلفاكير في مؤتمر الحركة القادم ليحصدا رئاسة الحزب ومن ثم رئاسة الحكومة حين يحين موعد الانتخابات الرئاسية لأن دستور الحركة ينص على أن رئيسها هو مرشحها لرئاسة الجمهورية – وأعلن كلا الطرفين رغبتهما في منافسة سلفاكير في رئاسة الحزب فكان ذلك الإعلان إشارة لسلفاكير بأن ساعة المواجهة قد حلت وأنه لا بد أن يتحرك متسلحا بسلطات رئيس الحزب ورئيس الجمهورية للقضاء على منافسيه من الجناحين فأقدم على تجريد رياك مشار من سلطاته التي فوضه إياها أولا كنائب لرئيس الجمهورية، ثم عزله من منصبه ثانيا، واستهدف دينق الور بتحقيق جنائي ثم جمد سلطات باقان أموم كأمين عام للحزب وأعقب ذلك بإجراء تعديل وزاري شامل طال كل وزير محسوب على هذه الجماعة وشكل حكومة ولاؤها الكامل له وحده وأجرى تغييرات بهذا المعنى في قيادات الجيش.ء

هكذا تهيأ المسرح للمعركة التي تدور رحاها اليوم بينه وبين معارضيه بعد أن جردهم من كل سلطة حزبية أو حكومية ولم يترك لهم سوى الولاء الحزبي المتمثل في قواعد الحركة الموالية لهم والولاء العسكري لمجموعات عسكرية ومليشيات تابعة لهم والولاء القبلي ليرتد كل واحد لعشيرته وقبيلته باحثا عن مساندتها – وهذا هو مكمن الخطر في المواجهة الحالية إذ إنها مواجهة عسكرية وقبلية في آن واحد وخارج إطار السياسة بمعناها المدني فهي مواجهة في بلد ينتشر فيه السلاح بصورة شاملة ويغيب فيه حكم القانون في دولة هشة وتعاني من انفلات أمني كبير – هذه وصفة جاهزة لانهيار الدولة وتشظيها على نموذج الصومال – ما لم تتداركها أطراف ثالثة تستطيع أن تجسر هذه الهوة العميقة وقد يكون من المبكر البحث عن إجابة السؤال الكبير عن احتمال نجاح مشروع تجسير هذه الفجوة خاصة والمعارك المحتدمة ما زالت دائرة والسلاح هو سيد الموقف!ء

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ديمقراطية راسخة ..تنمية مستدامة ..وطن واحد ..سلم وطيد
Sudan for all the Sudanese ..السودان لكل السودانيين
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Old 28-Dec-13, 18:23   #25
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الشرق الأوسط 28/12/2013


توقعات بإصدار قرار من رئيس جنوب السودان بوقف إطلاق النار والإفراج عن المعتقلين

قمة «إيقاد» تختتم أعمالها في نيروبي



لندن: مصطفى سري

يتوقع أن يصدر رئيس جنوب السودان سلفا كير ميارديت قرارا بإطلاق سراح المعتقلين السياسيين من قادة حزب الحركة الشعبية الحاكم الذين اتهمهم كير بالمشاركة في انقلاب فاشل بقيادة نائبه السابق الدكتور رياك مشار، في وقت يشارك وزير خارجية جوبا الدكتور برنابا مريال بنجامين في قمة دول منظمة هيئة التنمية الحكومية (إيقاد) التي تسعى للتوصل إلى حل نهائي للأزمة في الدولة حديثة الاستقلال، وطالبت مجموعة مشار من رؤساء الإيقاد بأن يعلن رئيس الدولة وقف شامل لإطلاق النار ويطلق سراح كافة المعتقلين وأن يتم إعلان المبادئ للحوار الذي سيبدأ في العاصمة إثيوبيا أديس أبابا الثلاثاء المقبل.ء

وأبلغ وزير التعليم السابق عضو المكتب السياسي البروفيسور بيتر أدوك الذي أطلق سراحه أمس «الشرق الأوسط» أن بقية المعتقلين الآخرين سيتم الإفراج عنهم في أي لحظة، وقال (لقد تم إطلاق سراحي اليوم – أمس – بعد اعتقال تم ليومين وكنت مع ضمن المجموعة التي تم اعتقالها بسبب الأحداث قبل عشرة أيام ولم توجه أي اتهامات)، وقال (لقد طلبني وزير الداخلية في ذات يوم إطلاق سراحي وقال: إن التهمة التي توجهها لي الحكومة مشاركتي في المؤتمر الصحافي الذي تحدث فيه نائب الرئيس السابق رياك مشار)، وأضاف «هذه هي التهمة الوحيدة وتم إطلاق سراحي، أما بقية المعتقلين علمت أن الاتهام يتعلق بعدم حضورهم اجتماع مجلس التحرير الرابع عشر من ديسمبر (كانون الأول) الجاري».ء

وكشف أدوك عن تفاصيل الاجتماع الذي عقده الرئيس الكيني اوهورو كيناتا ورئيس الوزراء الإثيوبي هايلي مريام ديسالين مع المعتقلين أول من أمس عند زيارتهما إلى جوبا أول من أمس، وقال (لقد أوضحنا للرؤساء وجهة نظرنا في الأحداث التي جرت من فبركة انقلاب والمواقف داخل الحزب الحاكم والخلافات السياسية التي حولها الرئيس سلفا كير ومجموعته إلى صراع مسلح)، وأردف قائلا (نقلنا إلى الرؤساء أن يتم تحقيق شامل في سقوط الضحايا وتحديد المسؤولين عنها في تحقيق محايد وشفاف)، وأضاف (طلبنا من قيادة الإيقاد إيقاف القتال الجاري وهذا قرار يفترض أن يتخذه الرئيس سلفا كير وسيتم وقف فوري من قبل الأطراف وإطلاق سراح بقية المعتقلين)، مؤكدا أن مجموعته متمسكة بحزب الحركة الشعبية الحاكم ولن تتنازل عنه، وقال (سيتم إعلان مبادئ في أول جلسة للتفاوض وأن التعريف الصحيح للأزمة هي سياسية داخل الحزب الحاكم وإن لجأ رئيسه إلى السلاح بفبركة انقلاب)، وتابع (سيتم الحوار حول كيفية إدارة الحزب والحكومة وأن يتعايش الجميع بتياراتهم المختلفة داخل حزب واحد وكيفية إشراك الآخرين)، وقال (نحن نطالب بأن تشارك الأمم المتحدة والاتحاد الأفريقي في عملية الوساطة وأن يتم تحديد وسيط تتفق عليه أطراف النزاع).ء

وقال أدوك بأن عدد من الذين سيتم إطلاق سراحهم سيتوجهون إلى لقاء النائب السابق دكتور رياك مشار وأن الآخرين سيذهبون إلى مقر المفاوضات إلى أديس أبابا قبل بدء التفاوض الثلاثاء المقبل، وأضاف (سنجهز ورقتنا التفاوضية فور إطلاق سراح مجموعتنا لمناقشتها مع مشار).

قال مسؤول كيني، إن رئيس جنوب السودان سلفا كير ميارديت لم يتوجه إلى العاصمة الكينية نيروبي لحضور اجتماع مع زعماء دول منظمة «إيقاد» الذين يحاولون التوسط لإنهاء قتال بالجنوب مضى عليه نحو أسبوعين وأودى بحياة الآلاف.ء

من جهة أخرى أعلن قادة أفارقة اجتمعوا في نيروبي أمس موافقة حكومة جنوب السودان على الالتزام بوقف إطلاق نار فوري في البلاد، لإنهاء العنف المستمر منذ منتصف ديسمبر (كانون الأول) الجاري وأودى بحياة الآلاف، ودعا رؤساء دول إيقاد عقب القمة التي عقدوها في كينيا نائب الرئيس السابق رياك مشار إلى اتخاذ خطوة مماثلة.ء

وكشفت مصادر عسكرية فضلت حجب اسمها أن رئاسة أركان الجيش الشعبي لتحرير السودان أصدرت تعليمات لوحداتها للالتزام بوقف إطلاق النار في خطوة لحسن النوايا، ودعا قادة الجيش إلى عدم الدخول في قتال إلا عند الدفاع عن النفس.

وقال بيان رسمي صادر عن اجتماع هيئة التنمية الحكومية (إيقاد) في نيروبي تحصلت «الشرق الأوسط» على نسخة منه إن المجموعة ترحب بقرار حكومة جنوب السودان وقف الأعمال العدائية ويدعون دكتور رياك مشار والأطراف الأخرى لإعلان التزام مماثل، واتفق رؤساء الإيقاد على أن أزمة الجنوب تحل بالحوار.

من جانبه قال الرئيس الكيني هورو كينياتا بأن حكومة الرئيس سلفا كير التزمت بوقف فوري لإطلاق النار وحثت زعيم المتمردين ريك مشار على إعلان التزام مماثل. وقال بيان باسم الرؤساء بأنهم جادون في إجراء محادثات بين الأطراف المتحاربة بحلول 31 ديسمبر (كانون الأول) الجاري.ء

وأدت الأحداث الأخيرة إلى نزوح أكثر من (121) ألف مواطن بسبب الأزمة الخطرة في جنوب السودان»، ويخشى من ارتفاع العدد لقلة المعلومات المتوفرة لدى الوكالات الإنسانية على الأرض، ومن بين هؤلاء النازحين لجأ 63 ألفا إلى قواعد للأمم المتحدة خصوصا في جوبا وبور وملكال وبانتيو. وفي العاصمة جوبا وحدها ترك 25 ألف شخص منازلهم وفقا لمكتب الأمم المتحدة.ء

إلى ذلك وصل إلى مدينة جوبا أمس نائب وزير الخارجية المصري حمدي لوزة، على متن طائرة عسكرية مصرية محملة بالمساعدات الإنسانية للمتضررين من أحداث العنف الأخيرة في جنوب السودان، حيث كان في استقباله بمطار جوبا نائب وزير خارجية جنوب السودان بيتر بشير بندي وأووت دينق اشويل وزيرة الرعاية الاجتماعية. وقال المسؤول المصري للصحافيين عقب وصوله بأن الزيارة تهدف إلى إرسال رسالة تضامنية من حكومة وشعب جمهورية مصر العربية مع الأشقاء في جنوب السودان، وتأكيدا على الوقفة المصرية مع جنوب السودان للخروج من الأزمة الراهنة وهو أكثر أمنا وسلاما.ء


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حرية سلام وعدالة.. الثورة خيار الشعب

ديمقراطية راسخة ..تنمية مستدامة ..وطن واحد ..سلم وطيد
Sudan for all the Sudanese ..السودان لكل السودانيين
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Old 28-Dec-13, 20:29   #26
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سودانايل 20/12/2013

كوابيس جنوب السودان .. تأثيرات جينات الأم وصراعات الإخوة كارامزوف

بقلم: فايز الشيخ السليك

ء(ويجمع كثيرون على أن ولادة دولة جنوب السودان هي أشبه بولادة جنين من أم تعاني من المرض وسوء التغذية، وهو ما يعني بقاء بعض السمات الوراثية في جينات الطفل الوليد.، هذا كان جزءً يسيراً من تقرير صحفي كنت قد كتبته في يوم 22 يناير 2011 في صحيفة الشرق الأوسط تحت عنوان " جنوب السودان.. دولة أحلام أم كوابيس؟". أتذكره اليوم مع ظهور بوادر كوابيس الحرب والقتال بين رفاق الأمس، وأعداء اليوم، أو " الأخوة كرمارزوف" على حسب وصف الروائي الروسي ديستوفسكي.ء

وفي بداية الأسبوع الجاري اندلع القتال داخل مدينة جوبا عاصمة الدولة الوليدة، مع توقع بتدحرج كرة اللهب من إلى مناطق أخرى بما في ذلك مناطق انتاج النفط في الوحدة، وبينما اعتبرالفريق أول سلفاكير ميارديت ما حدث انقلاباً قاده نائبه السابق الدكتور رياك مشار، إلا أن مشار نفى ذلك بعد اختفائه المفاجئ، واعتبر الأمر تصفية حسابات، في وقت يعتبره آخرون بأنه " سوء فهم بين جنود الحرس الجمهوري" ، و وعلى خلاف الطرفين فقد وصفت قيادة الجيش الشعبي الأمر بأنه " تمردا"، وبعيداً عن التوصيفات نقول إن محصلة ذلك هو مقتل المئات ، وارتفاع ألسنة اللهب ورقص البعض على أصوات طبول الحرب.ء

وما حدث كان متوقعاً للأسباب التالية :-ء

ء1- طبيعة الحركات المسلحة والثورية التي غالباً ما تفشل في الإنتقال من الطابع العسكري والحربي القائم على التعليمات والأوامر إلى الطابع المدني في إدارة الدولة.ء

ء2- إن جنوب السودان ليس اسثناءً من الحالة السودانية ، فهو مولود شرعي لدولة مأزومة هي السودان الكبير ، ويحمل في جيناته وفي لا وعيه كل سلبيات التنوع الثقافي والعرقي والديني من عنصرية وتطرف، بدلاً عن توظيف التنوع كمصدر قوة؛ إن حالة التشظي السودانية هي حالة عامة تكشف لنا نوعية العقل الجمعي السوداني بما يعاني من ثقوب في الذاكرة واضطراب في التفكير ، وهي علة تتمظهر أعراضها في انقسام السودان إلى شمال وجنوب، وانقسامات القوى السياسية ومنظمات المجتمع المدني السودانية.ء

ء3- المرارات التاريخية وصراعات الرفاق منذ حرب بور في عام 1991، وانقسامات الحركة الشعبية والجيش الشعبي لتحرير السودان، ثم خلافات القيادات التاريخية في عام 2004 وظهور تيارين أحدهما مع الزعيم الراحل الدكتور جون قرنق ديبميور والآخر مع القائد سلفاكير مياريدت، وانعكاسات ذلك على مسيرة الحركة الشعبية خلال الفترة الإنتقالية وصراعات مجموعة تيلار رينق ولام أكول واليو اجانق، مع مجموعة فاقان أموم ودينق ألور وعبد العزيز الحلو وياسر عرمان ونيال دينق أو ما كان يسميه التيار المناوئ بتيار " أولاد قرنق" على رغم أن كير أعلن أنه هو أكبر أولاد جون قرنق.ء

ء4- الانشغال بقضية الاستفتاء ومشاكسات الفترة الإنتقالية دون التركيز على البناء التنظيمي والسياسي والفكري وتأهيل الكوادر في الحركة الشعبية عموماً وفي دولة الجنوب على وجه التحديد، ثم صراعات الكراسي وضرب المجموعات بعضها بعضاً بالحديث عن الفساد.ء

ء5- افتقار الحركة الشعبية بعد الإستقلال للبرنامج السياسي الواضح المعالم ووضع سياسات اقتصادية وخطط تنموية شاملة للاستفادة من موارد الجنوب الكبيرة، وتوزيعها بعدالة لصالح الإنسان هناك .ء

ء6 - الفشل في عملية غرس ثقافة الديمقراطية و انتقال المحاربين القدامى من الحياة العسكرية إلى الحياة المدنية، ويربط المراقبون بين الديمقراطية كنظام سياسي، وبين التنوع الإثني، وفي ذات الوقت طبيعة القوة المسيطرة في الجنوب، وهي الجيش الشعبي، وقدامى المحاربين، وللمفارقة فإن من يوصفون سلفاكير اليوم بأنه دكتاتور هم ذات المجموعات التي وضعت الدستور الذي استند عليه سلفاكير في بعض قراراته، وفي هذا السياق يقول مانفريد فان إيكيرت، مدير مكتب الوكالة الألمانية للتعاون التقني (GIZ) في جنوب السودان: «تشكل إعادة تأهيل المقاتلين السابقين في صفوف الجيش الشعبي لتحرير السودان، من أهم التحديات التي تواجه بناء مؤسسات جديدة، وتنفذ الوكالة الألمانية برنامجا لإعادة تأهيل المقاتلين السابقين بالتعاون مع برنامج الأمم المتحدة الإنمائي، في النظام الاجتماعي ودعم أوضاع حياتهم الجديدة.ء


ء7 – الفشل في حل القضايا العالقة مع السودان الشمالي قبل إجراء عملية الاستفتاء وتأثير ذلك سلباً على استقرار السودانيين، وانعكاسات ظلال الصراعات في السودان على الجنوب لما بينهما من تداخلات جغرافية وثقافية وتجارية واقتصادية.ء

وكان القيادي بالحركة الشعبية، ومسؤول الاستخبارات الخارجية السابق إدوارد لينو قد ذكر لـ«الشرق الأوسط»، أن «أي ثورة عندما تكتمل خطواتها في الوصول إلى السلطة عليها أن تراجع مواقفها، وأن تنظر إلى أين تقف، وأن تراجع قوامها الفكري والسياسي، لتخطو خطوات جديدة على أرض الواقع، لأن النظرية خضراء والواقع رمادي.. بمثل هذا المنهج يمكن البناء على طريق منهج وخارطة جديدة». ويضيف: «شاهدنا الكثير من الثورات في كوبا وأنغولا وموزمبيق وناميبيا، والآن نحن في جنوب السودان علينا أن نأخذ من تلك التجارب، خاصة أننا في الحركة الشعبية نقف في منتصف الطريق حول ما طرح فكريا بما يعرف باسم السودان الجديد الذي له دلالاته الخاصة لخلق واقع جديد حلمنا به في كل السودان، واستطعنا عبر النضال الطويل أن نصل إلى حق تقرير المصير لشعب جنوب السودان عبر فكر السودان الجديد، وفي ذات السياق، كان خبراء أمنيون قد حذروا من عواصف تاوجه اقلاع طائرة الدولة الوليدة، ويشيرون إلى أن «أولى الصعوبات هي الانتقال من نظام عسكري حارب لمدة أكثر من عشرين عاما، إلى نظام سياسي، لكن أكثر الصعوبات التي ستواجه الجنوب هي أن بعض قادة الجيش الشعبي (المحاربين السابقين) حينما يرتدون الزي المدني وربطات العنق، ويذهبون إلى المكاتب الأنيقة، يحتاجون إلى مبالغ مالية ضخمة تعبر عن متطلبات المرحلة لأشخاص يشعرون بأنهم هم الذين جاءوا باستقلال دولتهم، وفي ذات الوقت عادوا للتو من الغابات، وسيزداد الأمر تعقيدا مع وجود رفقاء سلاح سابقين لا يزالون يحملون البندقية»، ويضيف: «في حال شعور الطرف العسكري بأن وضعه المالي والاجتماعي أقل من رفاقه السابقين فإن التفكير في انقلاب عسكري يطيح بالحكومة يظل أمرا واردا». ويتفق خبراء ومراقبون على ضرورة عدم رفع سقف الأحلام، والتطلعات في حياة رغيدة، ومستوى اقتصادي أفضل من السابق، وهو أمر عند الدارسين الاجتماعيين والنفسيين «سيقود إلى الإحباط، والتذمر وعدم الاستقرار حال عدم تحققه خلال سنوات قليلة». وسبق أن حذر خبراء أمنيون من سيطرة القبيلة على الحزب، وعلى منظمات المجتمع المدني، وأكدوا أن ذلك سيهدد الدولة الوليدة. وها هي اليوم تبرز من جديد كل القضايا التي حذر منها كثيرون، وسارت الأمور بقوة دفع كبيرة، تجاوزت حد التراشق الكلامي إلى التراشق بالنيران، وليس مهماً من بدأ، أو من أخطأ، لأن النتيجة واحدة، بقدرما أن المهم هو كيفية الخروج من عنق الزجاجة؟، وبدأت الأزمة منذ أن أعلن كل من سلفاكير ومشار وأموم وواني ايقا وربيكا قرنق اعتزامهم الترشح لرئاسة الجمهورية الوليدة، وهو أمر في غاية الصعوبة لأن من المستحيل أن يقدم حزباً واحداً عدداً من المرشحين لرئاسة الدولة، وهو ما عرقل عقد المؤتمر المزمع عقده في العام الماضي، لأن الجميع بدأ سباق مارثون الوصول إلى الكرسي الرئاسي.ء

ومع ذلك، فإن بعض المؤشرات حتى اليوم تشير إلى أن الصراع على مستواه الأعلى؛ لا يزال صراعاً سياسياً بين القادة الكبار، وهو سباق من أجل كرسي الحكم، ونلفت إلى أن من يصارعون سلفاكير ينحدرون من اثنيات متعددة، فرياك مشار ينحدر من النوير مثله مثل تعبان دينق وبيتر قاديت، فيما ينحدر دينق ألور وقير شوانق وربيكا قرنق وماجاك من الدينكا، وفاقان أموم وياي دينق من الشلك، وكوستي مانيبي من القبائل الاستوائية، إلا أن البعض يرى أن الدينكا أنفسهم ينحدرون من مناطق متعددة مثل بور وبحر الغزال وأبيي وغيرها من المناطق وأن معظم الدينكا المعتقلين اليوم هم من بور وأبيي، لكن في ذات الوقت فهناك وزير الدفاع الفريق كوال ماجنق ينحدر من بور بينما ينحدر رئيس هيئة أركان الجيش الشعبي جيمس هوث من قبيلة النوير وجيمس واني ايقا من الاستوائيين، وهو ما يربك المشهد لكثيرين.ء

لكن ما يزيد من الهواجس هو كمون البعد العرقي في الخفاء، وفي الصراعات العسكرية داخل خنادق الجيش الشعبي أو على المستوى القاعدي وهو ما تستبطنه بعض الاتهامات المتبادلة حول سيطرة مجموعة اثنية محددة، أو ما أشيع حول اعتداءات ذات ظلال اثنية وقعت على بعض المدنيين في مدينة جوبا، ويحذر المراقبون من تعميق هذا الاتجاه، لأن بروزه بوضوح يعني انزلاق الجنوب في حرب عرقية قد تصل مرحلة الإبادة أو التطهير العرقي، رغم ذلك لا نخفي تخوفنا من أن مجريات الأحداث قد تظهر عنصر العرق المباشر في الصراعات في أقرب منعطف، وهو ما سيفاقم من الأوضاع ويزيدها اشتعالاً، بعد أن كان الصراع هو صراع سياسي من أجل السلطة.ء

إن المطلوب اليوم هو التوافق على الحل السياسي وهو ما تعززه مطالبات الأمم المتحدة، والإتحاد الأفريقي، مع تحركات متوقعة من قبل بعض زعماء القبائل، والقيادات التاريخية والتقليدية، فللجنوب احترام خاص للزعماء الكبار ولهم كلمتهم التي يحترمها الجميع، وليس أمام أهل الجنوب سوى الحوار عبر مؤتمر دستوري، يذكر أن سلفاكير كان قد عقد مؤتمر حوار شارك فيه معظم الفرقاء الجنوبيين بمن فيهم لام أكول رئيس «الحركة الشعبية - الديمقراطية والتغيير»، وقادة من «المؤتمر الشعبي»، و«المؤتمر الوطني». وذلك قبيل الاستفتاء على حق تقرير المصير، واتفق الجنوبيون على دستور جديد، وحكومة انتقالية تجري انتخابات ديمقراطية وحرة، وهو إجماع على أهميته فسره بعض المراقبين بأنه ألا يعدو هذا الحوار سوى «علاقات عامة، وتجميع الجنوبيين على الاستفتاء، والتصويت لخيار الانفصال وقيام الدولة الجديدة». ويتفق الجنوبيون على هذه الأمور، حيث يجمعون على «عدو مشترك»، قادم من الشمال، وهو الذي وحد الجنوبيين في حروبهم التي بدأت منذ عام 1955 ضد الشمال، وفي سياق ذي صلة كان الدكتور فرانسيس دينق، قد شدد قبل الاستفتاء على أن التحدي الكبير الذي يواجه دولة الجنوب المستقلة «هو الحكم الرشيد، وإدارة بناءة للتنوع على أساس المساواة لكل المجموعات الإثنية». ويضيف إلى ذلك الديمقراطية المؤسسية، وتوزيع الثروات، وتوظيف الجنوبيين في الخدمة المدنية، واحترام حقوق الإنسان، وإتاحة الحريات للجميع. وفي حال فشل رفاق الأمس في الوصول إلى تسوية سلمية عبر حوار عميق وشفيف وغير مشروط، ستكون العواقب وخيمة وهي اندلاع حرب شاملة تتسع دائرة جحيمها إلى بحر الغزال وشرق الاستوائية وأعالي النيل، وهو ما لا يصب في مصلحة السودانيين الجنوبيين، وعلى القادة السياسين أن يتذكروا أن جنوب السودان ظل جرحاً نازفاً في جسد الدولة الكبيرة حتى انفصل، منها بسبب سياسات التهميش من جهة والهيمنة من جهة أخرى، والتهميش الاقتصادي والإجتماعي للمناطق الطرفية في السودان ولسكانها الأفارقة، أو لغير المسلمين ، نتاج لسياسات الاستعلاء العرقي والديني والثقافي الذي مارسته نخب المركز منذ استقلال الدولة السودانية، إضافةً إلى مصادرة الحريات مع ، وهو ما قد يعيد التساؤلات حول أهمية صراع الكراسي بين رفاق الأمس، وجدوى الاستقلال ما لم يتحقق للناس السلام والكرامة والحرية؟

http://www.sudanile.com/index.php/20...12-20-07-23-18
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Sudan for all the Sudanese ..السودان لكل السودانيين
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Old 28-Dec-13, 20:31   #27
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The Observer, Saturday 28 December 2013 12.57 EST

How Hollywood cloaked South Sudan in celebrity and fell for the 'big lie'

Film stars have been speaking from a flawed script about the newest nation. Daniel Howden points a finger at those who have failed to grasp the awful reality

Daniel Howden

When violence erupted two weeks ago in the world's youngest country, one of the first voices to speak out, before the US president or the head of the United Nations, was that of the Hollywood actor George Clooney. There was nothing particularly objectionable about his counsel, which in any case was more likely authored by the American activist John Prendergast, with whom he shared a byline. It spoke of the need for a robust UN response and, even as tens of thousands of civilians fled ethnically motivated death squads, of the "opportunities" present in South Sudan.

This is a country, not yet two and a half years old, whose birth has been soaked in celebrity like no other. As well as Clooney, Matt Dillon and Don Cheadle have been occasional visitors who have tried to use their star power to place the international public firmly in the corner of this plucky upstart nation.

Unsurprisingly, the actors were highly effective at communicating a narrative about the new country that borrowed from a simple script. The south had fought a bloody two-decade battle for its independence against an Islamic and chauvinist north led by an indicted war criminal. The cost of that war, regularly touted as two million lives, meant that the south would need huge development support to lift it from the impoverished floor of every quality of life index published.

The great threat in this narrative was the vile regime in Khartoum, the capital of rump Sudan, which would seek to undermine its southern breakaway, or march back to war to reclaim some of its lost oilfields.

It was a seductive story that could be well told by handsome movie stars against the lavish backdrop supplied by South Sudan's superheated swamps and deserts and often beautiful people. But the narrative – part truth, part wilful misunderstanding – was deeply flawed. This would have mattered less if it had only informed public opinion, but instead it found its way into the building of a state.

Sudan, the former British colony that became Africa's largest state, has been in a condition of slow-burning internal conflict almost since independence in the 1950s. The second instalment of civil war was ended by the comprehensive peace agreement signed in 2005. The deal provided for a cooling-off period of six years before a loosely geographically defined south would be given the chance to vote on secession from the north.

The war had been brought to life in the US by broadcast evangelicals such as Billy Graham, who cast it as a heroic battle by Christian and African underdogs against a more powerful Muslim and Arab foe. The fact that religious and geographical lines were never remotely this clear and clean-cut was routinely ignored. The Sudan People's Liberation Army (SPLA), under the leadership of the charismatic John Garang, was not fighting for an independent south but a democratic "new Sudan". Its forces were drawn from areas far beyond what are now the borders of South Sudan. And its battles were, for the most part, not against the national army, the Sudan Armed Forces (SAF) but against rival militia groups, often drawn from the same great southern tribes, such as the Dinka and Nuer, that the SPLA leadership came from.

Much of the fighting and dying took place in the south, often with funding and encouragement from the north. This meant that a new country would have to be built in what had been the main theatre of the war, with a nation drawn from opposing sides in much of that conflict. No serious effort was made by any side in the post-2005 cooling-off period to reconcile the north and south. The US, Europe, the UN and the south's near-neighbours, Ethiopia, Uganda and Kenya, all pushed for the country to be broken up. This effort was formalised in a referendum in 2011.

The pursuit of separation at all costs made it harder to admit certain truths such as ethnic divisions and created the need for the "big lie", as one senior UN official calls it. "The big lie is that there was no ethnic problem in South Sudan. There is a political problem."

The midwife to the state-building was the UN peacekeeping mission – now known as Unmiss – a sprawling operation costing roughly $1bn a year. A further $1bn in development aid was pumped in annually by donors such as the US and Britain. As it was believed that there were no entrenched ethnic issues to overcome, the mandate for Unmiss – when it was drafted by the UN security council – framed the challenges for the new country as purely developmental. The choice of Hilde Johnson, a former Norwegian minister of international development, to head the mission reflected this.

While demobilisation and disarmament schemes were announced, for much of the time between 2005 and the referendum governing consisted of farming out oil and aid money to civil-war-era military commanders in order to keep the peace. Little was done to break up old units and forge a truly national army. The SPLA had become a big tent into which armed ethnic militias with no uniform, training or shared identity had wandered in order to get paid.

The complete dysfunction of South Sudan's government since independence in 2011 was largely ignored. When the president, Salva Kiir, accused his own government of looting $4bn in state assets and foreign aid money, little was said. When Kiir, who is from the south's biggest ethnic group, the Dinka, began to entrench its power at the expense of other communities, creating what people called a Dinkocracy, the UN said nothing. In the meantime Johnson, who is criticised by her own staff in private for being too close to the president, trumpeted the need for "service delivery", even as a vicious power struggle raged in the ruling party.

While critics argue that the prime focus should have been security instruments (the army) and executive instruments (the government), all the talk was of democracy, human rights and development – even though this was rarely matched by any action.

"You can't do that if the elites are arguing and trying not to kill each other," said the senior UN official, on condition of anonymity.

"A lot of people who knew about state building in Africa were screaming bloody murder."

When Kiir sacked his entire government to pre-empt a political power grab by his vice-president, Riek Machar, an ethnic Nuer, from South Sudan's second most populous group, the international community chided him half-heartedly. As both sides mobilised their supporters along ethnic lines and prepared for a renewed conflict, the UN and diplomats continued to refer to the increasingly autocratic president as "steadfast".

When fighting finally broke out on 15 December and elements of the presidential guard went house to house in the fledgling capital, Juba, murdering Nuer civilians, the talk was still of a political not an ethnic conflict. When Nuer youths who mobilise under the banner of the civil-war-era White Army overran a UN outpost, killing two peacekeepers and murdering Dinka officials, it was blamed by some on media inciting tit-for-tat attacks.

Jok Madut Jok, an academic and former culture minister, who had been one of the most passionate exponents of South Sudan, was among many intellectuals who railed against international reporting of the ethnic slaughter as irresponsible and lacking in context.

After visiting Nuer colleagues among the 63,000 South Sudanese who had gone into hiding in UN bases around the country, he described in an open letter how he had wept by the roadside: "My Nuer friends are very scared and will not even fathom returning to their homes, given what they saw during the fighting in Juba. But their present circumstance is humiliating to them, big army officers, senior government officials and university students who feel they cannot be safe in their own capital city in which they have lived for many years."

Much trumpeted peace efforts remain just "talks about talks", according to diplomats involved. Both sides are dusting off veterans from the 1990s – the era of the most deadly fighting. A battle looms for the oilfields of the ironically named Unity State, currently held by rebels under the former vice-president.

After years of denial from the international community, the only way out of a repeat of past wars will be another round of payoffs to military commanders and a reluctant return to square one on the state-building board, accompanied by an admission of past failures.


http://www.theguardian.com/world/201...ollywood-stars
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Old 28-Dec-13, 20:54   #28
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PRESS STATEMENT

Revolutionary comrades, members of the SPLM

Our esteemed people of South Sudan

Distinguished Members of the Press

We, the members of the SPLM Political Bureau, National Liberation Council and SPLM leaders have called this press conference to enlighten our people on the internal crisis that has engulfed the SPLM leadership and paralyzed its functions in the government and in our society. The crisis started immediately after the tragic death of the SPLM historical and eternal leader Dr. John Garang de Mabior and manifested itself in the following:-

• The anti-Garang elements inside and outside the SPLM encircled comrade Salva Kiir Mayardit’s leadership of the SPLM and the Government of Southern Sudan [2005-2007]. This phenomenon compromised SPLM positions vis-a-vis the NCP in the CPA implementation, and in many incidences General Salva Kiir retreated from positions negotiated earlier by Dr. John Garang. These elements using their relationship with General Salva Kiir targeted and ostracized certain SPLM leaders and cadres they nicknamed ‘Garang orphans/boys’ creating schisms and precipitating open quarrels within the SPLM ranks;

• The shift in decision making process from SPLM national organs to regional and ethnic lobbies around the SPLM chairman when it came to appointments to positions in government; that membership of the SPLM and one’s participation in the revolutionary struggle became irrelevant. The SPLM is NOT a ruling party. In practice decisions are essentially made by one person, and in most cases directed by regional and ethnic lobbies and close business associates surrounding the SPLM Chairman;

• The efforts to transform the SPLM from a liberation movement into a mass based political party have totally been frustrated by the Chairman. General Salva ignored the grassroots views and demands garnered between July and August 2012 for the SPLM re-organization. The Political Bureau, the only organ that met nonetheless it had been difficult to translate its resolutions into plans of action in the Executive or legislations in the National Assembly, because of lack of collective leadership and the paralysis of the General Secretariat;

• There is no formal communication between the party organs at the national level and those in the States, County, Payam and Boma levels. The Government drives the SPLM rather than the other way round. The SPLM Chairman now uses his executive powers as President of the Republic, relying on his Presidential ADVISOR, to manage the SPLM and the country;

The crisis reached boiling point in March 2013 when General Salva Kiir cancelled the meeting of the National Liberation Council; issued a Presidential Decree withdrawing the delegated powers from his Vice President and First Deputy Chairman. Other decrees followed including the dismissal on false grounds of the Governors of Lakes and Unity States; the dismissal and appointment of a new Cabinet and the suspension of the SPLM Secretary General. We want to assure our people that these were personal decisions by General Salva Kiir since neither the PB nor the National Liberation Council (NLC) deliberated on these decisions, which have far-reaching implications for the SPLM and the Country.

The SPLM Chairman has completely immobilized the party, abandoned collective leadership and jettisoned all democratic pretensions to decision making. The SPLM is no longer the ruling party. The leader of South Sudan Democratic Forum heads the SPLM Government Cabinet and recent infiltrators/converts from the NCP now lead the National Legislative Assembly and the Council of States respectively. The Chairman did not care to appoint second or third tier SPLM leaders and cadres to occupy these positions if he had trouble with the first tier leaders. In the Army, General Salva Kiir Mayardit has demobilized the seasoned SPLA commanders and made them redundant. This action amounts to erasing the historical legacy of the SPLM suggesting that comrade Salva Kiir is on trek to form his personal army, in the guise of Presidential Guards. General Salva Kiir intends to form his own political party linked to the NCP and has nothing to do with the historic struggle of our people.

As a result, the Chairman unconstitutionally dissolved key SPLM organs namely the Political Bureau and the National Liberation Council and the National and States Secretariat on account that their mandates had expired in May 2013. He has already instructed the State Governors, (instead of the State SPLM Secretariats), to appoint their preferred delegates to the SPLM 3rd National Convention scheduled for February 2014. The intention is to sideline and prevent SPLM historical leaders and cadres categorized as ‘potential competitors’ from participation in the Convention. This is very dangerous move and is likely to plunge the party and the country into the abyss.

We want to bring to the attention of the masses of our people that General Salva Kiir has surrendered the SPLM power to opportunists and foreign agents. These actions undermine the hard won independence and sovereignty of the Republic of South Sudan.

The Government of South Sudan is misleading the public that it is servicing the 4.5 billion USD debt. It is not known where these monies were loaned from and on what they were spent as the country has been under austerity regime since April 2012. This is definitely a question of corruption that must be addressed together with the dura saga, the shoddy road contracts and the issue of 75 letters of defamation of SPLM historical leaders and cadres.

The deep-seated divisions within the SPLM leadership, exacerbated by dictatorial tendencies of the SPLM Chairman, and the dysfunctional SPLM structures from national to local levels are likely to create instability in the party and in the country. For these reasons, and out of our sincere concern about future of our people, we the SPLM members of the Political Bureau and the Leadership of the party are obliged to inform the public about the true state of affairs in the SPLM and how General Salva Kiir is driving our beloved Republic of South Sudan into chaos and disorder.

In order to resolve this crisis, we call on the SPLM Chairman to convene the Political Bureau to set the agenda for the National Liberation Council so as to correct the deviation from the SPLM vision and direction. And address the present challenges within the SPLM with the view of revitalizing and restoring the SPLM to the driving seat. The SPLM should hold steering wheel of the two historical processes of nation building and state building.

Long live the struggle of our people

Glory and honour to our martyrs

Long live South Sudan

Long live SPLM

Viva SPLM viva

Juba

December 6, 2013



http://www.sudantribune.com/spip.php?article49087


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Old 01-Jan-14, 00:10   #29
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Default 9 questions about South Sudan you were too embarrassed to ask

Washington Post



9 questions about South Sudan you were too embarrassed to ask

By Max Fisher, Updated: December 30 at 3:36 pm




South Sudan's crisis began just two weeks ago, on Dec. 15, and it already has observers warning that it could lead to civil war. Fighting has killed an estimated 1,000 people and sent 121,600 fleeing from their homes. International peacekeepers are preparing for the worst; some have been killed and a number of them, including four U.S. troops, have been injured.

What's happening in South Sudan is complicated and can be difficult to follow; understanding how it got to be this way can be even tougher. Here, then, are the most basic answers to your most basic questions. First, a disclaimer: This is not an exhaustive or definitive account of South Sudan and its history -- just some background, written so that anyone can understand it.

1. What is South Sudan?


South Sudan is the world's newest country. It's located in Central Africa, is about the size of Texas and has about as many people as Ohio (11 million). South Sudan is one of the poorest countries in the world, has a 27 percent literacy rate and is so underdeveloped that it has only about 35 miles of paved road. Its economy is driven by oil exports.

South Sudan declared independence from the rest of Sudan on July 9, 2011. At the time, it was considered a huge success for the world. But its 2½ years as a sovereign state have been disastrous. This latest crisis is just another part of the country's struggle to stand on its own.

2. Why are people in South Sudan killing each other?

The violence started on Dec. 15, when troops in the presidential guard started fighting against one another, in what is a depressingly accurate metaphor for South Sudan's problems. That fighting quickly spread and is now engulfing entire swaths of the country.

If that seems like a strange way for a potential civil war to start, it will make more sense once you hear the backstory. In July, the president of South Sudan, Salva Kiir, fired his vice president, Riek Machar. The two were more rivals than partners; Kiir thought that Machar was gunning for his job. Here's the really important thing: Kiir and Machar are from different ethnic groups, and in South Sudan ethnic groups are really important. Kiir is ethnic Dinka, the largest of South Sudan's many ethnic groups. Machar is Nuer, the country's second-largest group.

Tension between the Dinka and the Nuer goes way back in South Sudan, and the political rivalry between the groups' two most powerful members, Kiir and Machar, always had the potential to become an ethnic conflict. It did on Dec. 15, when members of the presidential guard who are Dinka tried to disarm members of the guard who are Nuer, maybe because they feared the Nuer would try to stage a coup. (Kiir later said the fighting had started because Machar had tried to stage a coup, although evidence for this is thin.)

The fighting between Dinka and Nuer presidential guards very quickly spread across the country. The main antagonists are rebels, often ethnic Nuer, including a group called the White Army. (Some reports say the group got its name because fighters smeared themselves with white ash to protect themselves from insects.) The rebels have seized territory, including some oil-producing land, and may or may not be marching on the city of Bor.

3. How could that one little incident spark such a big conflict?

When fighting spread from a few presidential guards to entire areas of South Sudan, we saw something that has happened before in sub-Saharan Africa. Political leaders and grass-roots militants alike defaulted from their national identity to their ethnic identity. Political rivalries became ethnic conflicts. Competing against the other group became more attractive than cooperating.

Since they won independence, it's been hard for South Sudan's ethnic groups to get along. Southerners don't have that common enemy uniting them anymore. Worse, they don't have a strong sense of belonging to a shared nation. People have been identifying by ethnicity for so long that they often still do. Another big problem is that South Sudan is extremely poor but has lots of oil; that makes it very tempting for ethnic groups to compete for the scarce resources they so badly need.

If this were, say, Iceland, then a contentious rivalry between the nation's two leading politicians would probably be seen as just political infighting, or at most perhaps a clashing of political parties or ideologies. But Kiir and Machar are the two most powerful people from their ethnic groups in a country where ethnic grouping is very important. So a fight between those two men was bound to exacerbate tension between their respective ethnic groups, which also have lots of other people in positions of power. And they have militias.

4. I thought giving South Sudan independence was supposed to stop ethnic fighting. Why didn't it?

The tragedy of South Sudan is that the same forces that helped it win independence also set it up for this conflict.

People in southern Sudan spent decades fighting for autonomy from the north. This led them to organize themselves by their tribe or ethnicity, since they had no national identity to align with. It also led them to form militias. Those militias, sometimes organized by tribe or ethnicity, came together as the Sudan People's Liberation Movement (SPLM). The SPLM has since become South Sudan's national army.

When the south's ethnic groups were fighting on the same side, against the north, they mostly got along okay. But, in 1991, the SPLM split along ethnic lines. Some fighters who were ethnic Nuer formed their own semi-official breakaway group, the White Army, which attacked Dinka civilians in the city of Bor, killing 2,000.

That fighting stopped, but the White Army has stuck around, in part because some Nuer fear they will not be treated fairly by the Dinka, who are more numerous and who hold the country's presidency.

Today, rebels took up arms in the apparent belief that Kiir's government was turning against the Nuer, and perhaps also because they saw Kiir going after Machar, who does not lead the White Army but has long been associated with it.

Remember that many Nuer split off from the SPLM in 1991; while they've since reconciled, the SPLM is officially commanded by Kiir, who is Dinka. And Kiir has called Machar, the country's most important Nuer, a traitor. It was almost inevitable that when Kiir turned against Machar many Nuer would think that he was seeking to marginalize their entire tribe. That's how the political fight could turning into an ethnic conflict.

5. This is all very intense. Let's take a music break?

Good idea. Since we're focusing so much on South Sudan's problems since independence, let's listen to this song by South Sudanese pop singer Queen Zee from late 2010, "Referendum," encouraging people to vote in the January 2011 election for independence.

The song helps capture the degree to which the vote brought the South Sudanese together, even if that unity has been hard to maintain, and the excitement the election brought.

6. How did South Sudan become independent, anyway?

This question, and to some extent the conflict itself, goes back to European colonialism and the artificial borders it imposed on Africans. As the British expanded across the continent, in the 1890s they began incorporating Sudan into the empire. In part to prevent neighboring Egypt from claiming northern Sudan as its own, the British lumped the Sudan's north and south together. The two parts of the country are very different, though: The north is mostly Arab and Muslim, while the south is made up of ethnic sub-Saharan Africans who are Christian or Animist.

When colonialism ended and Sudan declared independence in 1956, it kept its unwieldy colonial borders, with the capital Khartoum in the Arab-Muslim north. You can guess what happened next: The northern-dominated government treated the black-skinned southerners badly; southerners formed militias; and then came the civil wars. Yes, wars, plural: The first began in 1955, before Sudan even declared independence, and ended in 1972 with greater autonomy for the south. The second civil war started in 1983, when the government in Khartoum revoked much of the south's autonomy and southerners formed rebel groups to fight the north.

The second civil war finally ended in 2005 – the longest-running conflict in Africa – with a peace accord that promised the south it could hold a referendum for independence. In early 2011, 98.8 percent of southern voters said they wanted to secede from the north, and a few months later they got it.

There were two important outside factors that made independence happen. First, the United States played a key role supporting the south's demand for independence (more on this later). Second, the Sudanese government was loathed by much of the world for its human rights abuses and its affiliation with terrorist groups; this made it easier to build international pressure against Khartoum.

7. I remember South Sudan's independence being treated as a huge success. Was that not true?

Yes, it was a big success, promising southern Sudanese a reprieve from decades of war and the autonomy they'd long desired. It went peacefully enough, which was great, and it seemed like a promising sign for the world's ability to resolve terrible conflicts. But things have really gone south since then.

South Sudan endured violent ethnic conflicts (sometimes with the South Sudanese government part of the problem), fought a brief war with Khartoum in which South Sudan was far from blameless and even briefly shut off oil production to punish the north. In May 2012, less than a year after it had helped establish South Sudan as an independent country, the United Nations threatened it with economic sanctions for its bad behavior.

South Sudan's government, meanwhile, has been plagued by infighting and widespread allegations of official corruption.

Poverty and poor governance are big problems for South Sudan. But the biggest of all may be the fact that the country has never really resolved its ethnic rivalries. Until this most-basic problem can be solved, there will always be the possibility for another conflict.

8. What does this all have to do with Darfur? Anything?

On the surface, not really. Darfur is a part of the Republic of Sudan, not South Sudan, and so is not involved in South Sudan's conflict.

But the Darfur conflict that killed so many civilians in the mid-2000s, and which the United States labeled a genocide, is not totally separate from what's happening in South Sudan. The SPLM also fought in Darfur, on behalf of people there who wanted autonomy from the Khartoum government. More significantly, both South Sudan and Darfur were huge political and popular causes in Western countries, and especially in the United States.

The two causes fed into one another; U.S. political and religious groups had been advocating on behalf of South Sudan since the late 1980s, long before Americans started thinking about Darfur. But the "Save Darfur" campaign was much, much bigger. Outrage over Darfur made it easier to pressure Khartoum to allow South Sudan's independence referendum; it also focused popular and political support within the United States, which proved crucial.

Not everyone thinks this is a good thing. Some South Sudan-watchers say that the years of activism have convinced Americans that Khartoum is the "bad guy," which is not necessarily false, so much as it sets up South Sudan as the "good guy" or underdog. And that can make it harder, they warn, to hold South Sudan's government accountable for its many missteps, ultimately worsening the country's crisis.

9. I skipped to the bottom. What happens next?

It's not clear how long this conflict will go; as it becomes more decentralized, it gets more dangerous and tougher to end. The South Sudanese government has agreed to meet for peace talks.

But the really important thing isn't this latest conflict but South Sudan's deeper issues. As African Union official Abdul Mohammed and Tufts University’s Alex de Waal wrote Monday in a guest op-ed in The Washington Post, we "should not be content with patching together a ruling coalition" between rival ethnic groups. "A power-sharing formula could become just another division of the spoils, and elections could become another exercise in ethnic division," they warned.


http://www.washingtonpost.com/blogs/...rassed-to-ask/
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Old 02-Jan-14, 22:26   #30
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Exclamation South Sudan: Destroying itself from within





South Sudan

Destroying itself from within


Despite desperate peacemaking efforts, the outlook for South Sudan is bleak

Jan 4th 2014 | JUBA | From the print edition


Not yet much sign of that ceasefire


THE world’s youngest independent country is criss-crossed with battle lines. Following a bloody rupture in mid-December between President Salva Kiir and his former vice-president, Riek Machar, violence has spread across much of South Sudan. Forces loyal to Mr Machar have seized control of parts of Jonglei and all of oil-rich Unity state as well as chunks of Upper Nile, the other main oil-producing state. Governments in the region—mainly those of Ethiopia, Uganda and Kenya—are striving to mediate, so far without success. A ceasefire brokered by the governments of neighbouring countries on December 31st in Ethiopia has yet to be given a starting date.

Adding to fears of further mayhem, the “white army”, so called because its Lou Nuer tribesmen daub themselves in white ash, is also on the march. Columns several thousand strong are reported to be converging from the eastern reaches of the bush in the vast Jonglei state towards Bor, its capital, to join battle against government forces. As The Economist went to press, the rebels claimed to control the city, which is only a few hours’ drive north of Juba, the country’s capital.






Mr Kiir’s forces still control all or most of the country’s other seven states. They have the upper hand in terms of supplies, arms and international support. A foreign military adviser who has worked with both men said that the president has “more options” and is better prepared for a long conflict. But Mr Machar may be able to hold the fledgling country’s oil infrastructure to ransom. If he can chalk up some early victories—for instance, by taking and holding Bor—he may be better placed to sue for peace. As things stand, South Sudan may face a long civil war.

What began as a political power struggle within the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement (SPLM), the ruling party, soon took on a lethally ethnic character, pitting the country’s two largest communities against each other: Mr Kiir’s Dinka, the largest of South Sudan’s tribes, versus Mr Machar’s Nuer. At a senior level the ethnic make-up of each side is more complicated; for instance, the foreign minister, Barnaba Marial Benjamin, a Nuer, has stayed loyal to the Dinka president, whereas the widow of John Garang, the SPLM’s Dinka founder, is said to prefer Mr Machar. But on the ground the reality has become brutally tribal; ethnic cleansing has been let rip.

Violence first erupted on December 15th, when Dinkas in the presidential guard in Juba sought to disarm their Nuer colleagues. An atmosphere of rumour and paranoia had festered since July, when Mr Kiir sacked his entire government in a bid to limit the power of the ambitious Mr Machar. Once fighting broke out in the presidential guard, Dinkas started indiscriminately attacking Nuer civilians in Juba, killing scores of them. From his shelter under a sheet in the UN base in Juba, Cornelius Khan, a Nuer, describes how Dinka soldiers came to his district, searching “house to house” for Nuer to kill.

Tit-for-tat killings then spread across a country the size of France. Two dozen Dinka officials were massacred by White Army men, along with two Indian UN peacekeepers, on December 19th in Akobo, a remote outpost in Jonglei state. That prompted more than 180,000 people to flee their homes; tens of thousands of them have gathered in Lakes state, north-west of Juba. Médecins Sans Frontières, a French-founded charity, said their conditions were “verging on the catastrophic”. Some 80,000 civilians are now crowded into five UN bases, including more than 20,000 at the two in Juba.

The UN has responded by calling for 5,000 more troops, some of whom have begun to arrive, to bolster the 7,500 previously deployed. But the UN mission is demoralised. It has been criticised for failing to see the writing on the wall. Its head, Hilde Johnson, a Norwegian former government minister, is said to have let herself get too close to Mr Kiir, who in turn has been accused by Western diplomats of precipitating the crisis by falsely charging Mr Machar with instigating a coup.

Hopes that regional leaders might mediate a ceasefire seem so far to be forlorn. Hailemariam Desalegn, Ethiopia’s prime minister, and Uhuru Kenyatta, Kenya’s president, flew to Juba on December 26th but were put in the shade by Yoweri Museveni, Uganda’s president, who threw his diplomatic and military weight wholesale behind Mr Kiir. No representative of Mr Machar’s camp was invited to negotiations in Nairobi, Kenya’s capital, the next day. The ensuing communiqué called for a ceasefire but sounded more like an ultimatum to Mr Machar. Mr Museveni threatened simply to “defeat” Mr Machar militarily and to “go for” him if he did not submit.

Ugandan troops control the airport in Juba, while Ugandan aircraft are said to have bombed Mr Machar’s rebels in Jonglei. Mr Museveni seems set to send more troops to Mr Kiir’s aid. It has been suggested that Mr Museveni may be eyeing a chance to have South Sudan’s oil transported south via Uganda rather than north through the rump state of Sudan, whose president, Omar al-Bashir, he has long loathed. Ethiopia’s late prime minister, Meles Zenawi, who died in 2012, was an effective counterweight to the erratic Mr Museveni but Mr Hailemariam may be less able to restrain him. “The world is going to miss Meles,” says a UN official involved in previous negotiations.

So far Mr Bashir has kept warily out of the fight. Sudan’s economy depends on the royalties it earns for taking the south’s oil to market via a pipeline to the Red Sea. But if the conflict drags on, he could be tempted to intervene to protect Sudan’s own interests in the oilfields, which are close to the border. In extremis, Mr Machar might seek a deal with Mr Bashir whereby Sudan would get a higher fee for keeping the oil flowing in return for backing Mr Machar.

Meanwhile, China, the biggest importer of oil from both Sudans, is co-operating with the United States and key European countries, especially Britain and Norway, as an honest broker. But it is unlikely that the status quo can be restored soon, if ever. Mr Kiir’s forces are unlikely to defeat Mr Machar’s fighters outright, however energetically Uganda weighs in on Mr Kiir’s side; after all, both lots have decades of experience as bush guerrillas.

If peace is to break out, a new power-sharing arrangement will have to be negotiated. But it is hard now to imagine Messrs Kiir and Machar once again agreeing to cohabit. Less than three years after independence, South Sudan remains in dire danger of being destroyed from within.


From the print edition: Middle East and Africa

http://www.economist.com/node/21592637/print
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Old 03-Jan-14, 22:57   #31
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3/1/2014ء

الجنوب، خطأ تاريخي ومعضلة الأخلاق

د. حسن بشير محمد نور

في يوليو من العام 2010م، أي قبل الاستفتاء على انفصال الجنوب بحوالي نصف عام، انعقد اجتماع بين نائبي رئيس جمهورية السودان (الموحد آنذاك) ونائب رئيس جنوب السودان (الذي كان يتمتع بسلطات اكبر مما هو عليه اليوم). كان ذلك الاجتماع يهدف إلى الوصول لاتفاق ما حول تأمين حقول النفط الواقعة في منطقة (وصفتها في ذلك الوقت في مقال لي بتاريخ 12 يوليو 2012م بأنها ملتهبة، انظر سودانايل، منبر الرأي، هل ستغرق مواردنا في الدماء؟). المقصود بمواردنا من وجهة نظري هي الموارد الطبيعية والبشرية، الموجودة في شكل خام أو المعالجة. تلك الموارد مملوكة لشعب السودان في الشمال والجنوب، وجدت على الطبيعة كهبة إلهية ( GOD- Given) أو تم استخراجها بجهد بشري (كالبترول) أو إعدادها (كالبنيات التحتية على قلتها). من الطبيعي ان الحكومة لا تملك مال خاص بها تحصل عليه نتيجة للاستثمارات الشخصية للمنتمين إليها، أو ان السادة الحكام هم أسياد يتصدقون ويمنون على شعوبهم بأموالهم الخاصة، التي حصلوا عليها من عرق جبينهم أو نتيجة لورثة أو هبات آلت إليهم من ذويهم وأولياء أمورهم المتوفين أو الأحياء. بهذا الشكل فان عدم المحافظة على تلك الموارد واستخدامها بالشكل الأمثل وصيانتها، يعني بشكل مباشر لا لبس فيه ان الدولة المعنية أو الدول المعنية بالقيام بتلك المهمة هي دولة (دول) فاشلة.ء

نبهنا في ذلك الوقت إلى ان تلك الموارد سيعتمد عليها اقتصاد البلدين بشكل حاسم آنيا ومستقبلا. لا توجد ضرورة للتذكير بدور النفط في اقتصاد الدولتين وما آل إليه الحال بعد فقدانه أو تعثر إنتاجه وتصديره. أهمية النفط من الأشياء القليلة في الاقتصاد التي استطاع حكام الدولتين السودانيتين إدراكها بشكل واضح، بحكم انه مورد سوقي مدر للسيولة يغذي الموازنة العامة للدولة ويعود بالخير، بالضرورة على الجيوب والشركات الخاصة المملوكة للحكومتين بشكل ما، أو لأشخاص منتمين إليهما ومرتبطين ارتباطا عضويا بالجهاز الحكومي (ولا أقول الدولة هنا لان هذا شأن أخر أتمنى ان نصل إليه في المدى المنظور). بالرغم مما لعبه البترول من دور أساسي في الوصول لاتفاقيات السلام الشامل وضمانه لاتفاق الإخوة الأعداء وعلي الاستمرار في تعاقدهم السلطوي خلال الفترة الانتقالية، الا انه في نفس الوقت تحول إلى نقمة في العلاقة بين الدولتين بعد الانفصال، كما شكل واحدا من أهم الأسباب التي أدت للخلاف الحاد بين مكونات الحكم في دولة جنوب السودان.ء

نسبة لعدم وجود دولة أو مؤسسات في الجنوب فمن الطبيعي ان تهيمن المؤسسة القبلية التقليدية، التي على أساسها تم الاستقطاب من قبل مكونات الأزمة (الكامنة)، إلى ان وصل الأمر إلى حرب ضروس حصدت أرواح ألاف من المواطنين الأبرياء، الذين كانوا يمنون أنفسهم بقيام دولة خاصة بهم تحقق لهم العيش الكريم وتسير بهم نحو الحرية والرفاهية التي حرموا منها ، حسب ما تم زرعه في أذهانهم ووجدانهم بسبب الشمال.ء

اشرنا في ذلك الوقت إلى الآتي (....ويساهم بذلك (النفط) بشكل حاسم في بناء الاحتياطي اللازم للقدرة المالية للدولة ولتوفير عوامل الاستقرار النقدي والمالي وضخ السيولة الضرورية للأداء الاقتصادي وتأمين سعر صرف الجنيه السوداني. لهذه الأسباب أثارت أخبار استقالة عدد من العاملين بحقول النفط في الجنوب الذعر حتى وسط الدوائر الحكومية التي لا تتوقف عن التهديد وادعاء القوة والاستعداد لكل ما يأتي مهما كانت خطورته. لكن، والحمد لله، أن هذا الأمر قد حدث في وقت مناسب ليدق ناقوس الخطر بشكل يهدد امتيازات حكام الدولتين السودانيتين وينبههم إلى خطورة التصعيد، الذي قد يؤدي إلى حرب طاحنة تجعل منهما دولتين فاشلتين بامتياز وتجعل من الحكام أشخاص عاديين، لا يتعب احد بحصر ثرواتهم أو تجميدها أو الحاجة إلى إصدار قرارات دولية بالعقوبات أو الحصار الاقتصادي، "المقال السابق"..) انتهى.ء

يبدو ان ذلك (الناقوس) لم يكن كافيا لإدراك خطورة الموقف من جميع الأطراف، سواء في الدولتين أو على المستوي الإقليمي أو الدولي (دولا ومنظمات)، بذلك يصبح الحمد قائما للذي لا يحمد على مكروه سواه. تم فصل الجنوب إلى دولة مستقلة دون ان تتوفر ابسط المقومات لذلك. لم توظف الموارد في الفترة الانتقالية لبناء ما تم النص عليه في اتفاقيات السلام الشامل فيما يتعلق ببناء القدرات والمؤسسات الضرورية بالحد الأدنى لإدارة شئون دولة، تقع في واحدة من اشد مناطق العالم اضطرابا وخارجة من حرب أهلية وصفت بالأطول، ليس فقط في افريقيا بل وربما على مستوى العالم في القرن الماضي. كلما تم الاستناد إليه هو جملة من معطيات التاريخ بين الشمال والجنوب، توجه الحكم الحالي في السودان وإدخاله لعنصر الدين وبعض الجوانب العرقية في الحرب الأهلية بين أبناء الوطن الذي كان واحدا، إضافة لتقارير تقول ان السودان أصلا دولة فاشلة فما هو الجديد في تقسيمه إلى دولتين فاشلتين؟

لكن غاب عن الحساب أو أهمل بشكل متعمد ان فشل الدولة في هذا الإطار خطر يهدد شعب الدولتين ويمتد إقليميا ودوليا، خاصة بعد احتواء ثورات الربيع العربي وتحويل دولها إلى حاضنات للإرهاب والفوضى، وتحويل دولة كانت آمنة مثل سوريا إلى مسرح للعبث الدولي وجعل شعبها يتسول القوت أو يموت على طرقات دول الجوار. بذلك فان أداء الأنظمة الحاكمة أصبح من مهددات السلم الإقليمي بشكل مؤكد، وهنا تتحقق نبؤه رئيس الوزراء الإثيوبي الراحل ملس زناوي الذي شبه انفجار الوضع في الجنوب بـ"يوم القيامة". من هنا فان دولة مثل جنوب السودان ستتحول إلى عبء عالمي ثقيل يمثل معضلة مركبة سياسية – اقتصادية – أمنية، بل معضلة (أخلاقية) تجب مواجهتها، لكن السؤال يكمن في – بأي إمكانيات وبأي ثمن؟ ومن الذي سيدفع التكلفة الإنسانية والمادية الباهظة لخطأ تاريخي مركب؟

اتضح ان جميع المبررات الاقتصادية (وجود النفط الذي سيشكل موردا مضمونا لدولة الجنوب ويساعد في استغلال الموارد الطبيعية الضخمة التي تتوفر لها)، أو الأسباب الثقافية والاجتماعية، أو الاعتبارات السياسية، خاصة الاختلاف الجوهري في الرؤية السياسية بين الشمال والجنوب خاصة بين المؤتمر الوطني والحركة الشعبية، اتضح ان جميع تلك المبررات كانت أوهام وقائمة على رؤية أشخاص وجهات لا علاقة لهم بالشعب السوداني ومنفصلين تماما عن الواقع الذي تسير عليه الأمور على الأرض. أولئك الأشخاص الذين تم جمعهم من جميع أطراف الأرض ثم انضم إليهم بشكل أساسي كما هو معلوم كل من المؤتمر الوطني الحاكم في الشمال والحركة الشعبية التي كان على رأسها شخص استثنائي يتمتع بكارزمة ومواهب استثنائية كانت في حد ذاتها تشكل شيك ضمان معتمد لنهاية حميدة، بخلاف هذا العامل الذاتي، لم تتوفر لأولئك الأشخاص والجهات رؤية مكتملة للمصير التاريخي الذي ينتظر الجنوب بعد الانفصال. بعد ان تم توقيع الاتفاق وبعد الشعبية الجارفة التي أظهرها للعالم استقبال الزعيم الراحل جون قرنق من قبل الشعب السوداني، تمت إزاحته عن المشهد السياسي، الأمر الذي شكل قاعدة أساسية لبناء الأزمة وتطويرها وانتشارها إلى ان وصلت إلى حالة سرطانية، لا يمكن استئصالها فآل الحال إلى ما هو عليه اليوم.ء

إذن من يتحمل مسئولية ما جرى؟ نقول الجميع وان بدرجات متفاوتة، تبدأ من نظامي الحكم في الشمال والجنوب، ثم المكونات السياسية والاجتماعية الأخرى، أما بضعفها وهوانها وعجزها وأما بفشل متأصل فيها، لا شفاء منه داخل عناصر أساسية منها (توصف بالكبرى) أو، وللمسئولية التاريخية حتى (شعبي) السودان، أما بالسلبية والاسترخاء أو بسبب اندفاع وتفاؤل مفرط غير مبرر بان ما حدث هو الحل الأمثل، وانتهز هذه الفرصة لأقول ان الصفوة السودانية الشمالية (العاطلة عن المبادرة وفاقدة القدرة على اقتحام الأحداث والتأثير في مسارها ايجابيا)، تتحمل مسئولية تاريخية كبرى في ذلك الخطأ التاريخي الجسيم. أما المسئولية الأعظم، التي تصل إلى حد الجرم الصارخ ، فتقع على ما يسمي بالمجتمع الدولي خاصة ما عرف (بأصدقاء إيقاد) – بما يتوفر لديهم من إمكانيات وقدرات تنظيمية - الذين أوهموا الجميع بحرصهم على مصلحة دولة الجنوب وبالتالي العمل على رعايتها والأخذ بيدها، إلى ان تصبح دولة تتجاوز مرحلة الإقلاع الأمن في دروب التنمية والبناء، أي الـ(Take – Off). بدلا عن ذلك اكتفت بالتفرج على الأزمة في الجنوب تتشكل وتتطور إلى ان وصلت إلى الانفجار وهي الآن تبحث عن مسكنات تخفف الألم.ء

هل ستستطيع جهة ما ان تنهي هذه الكارثة الإنسانية التي تجري في الجنوب؟ ام ستتحول إلى عار جديد على الإنسانية يضاف إلى ما سبقه من مخازي في هذه القارة المنكوبة، التي يبدو ان إنسانها يقيم بأقل مما تستحقه القرود، خاصة من الدول التي تدعي حرصها على الحرية وحقوق الإنسان وفي مقدمتها الولايات المتحدة الأمريكية، التي بالتأكيد لديها رؤية حول ما يجري في الجنوب ولكن الرجاء هو ان لا تكون رؤية شيطانية.ء

ما يحدث في جنوب السودان معضلة أخلاقية أخرى تواجه الإنسانية وعلي حلها تعتمد العديد من الأسئلة المرتبطة بالحقوق والحريات وتطور النظم السياسية في عصر رأس المال المتعولم هذا. هل في هذا مبالغة؟ لا اري ذلك، إلا إذا كان الدم الذي يراق في جنوب السودان رخيصا ولا يستحق الاهتمام ، لان من يتم سحقهم هناك لا يملكون أدوات للإنتاج ولا قوة شرائية تملأ خزائن الشركات بالإرباح.ء

http://www.alrakoba.net/articles-act...w-id-44020.htm
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Old 03-Jan-14, 22:59   #32
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الميدان 2 يناير 2014

جنوب السودان: كرت الاستقلال المحترق



تدافع محللون كثر في وسائط الإعلام لتفسير الحرب المشتعلة في جنوب السودان حتى اختصموا، القسط الأكبر ردها إلى التكالب على السلطة بين أجنحة الحركة الشعبية لتحرير السودان وجيشها، أي اعتبرها حربا سياسية في المقام الأول طبعها أصحاب الشأن والشوكة، كير ومشار، بطابع الإثنية طلبا للنصرة، فأصبحت بالدرجة الثانية صراعا بين الدينكا والنوير. أحسن من أتى بهذه الحجة مراسل الجزيرة بيتر قريست، المحبوس الآن في مصر بتهمة مساندة الأخوان المسلمين.ء

كتب قريست كلمة بعنوان "التفكير خارج الصندوق العرقي" عتب فيها على مشجعو الحكوة العرقية أن أحالوا الصراع في جنوب السودان إلى ضغائن قبلية لا تبلى بين الدينكا والنوير، بينما بعبارته “لم تمنع الإثنية أمراء الحرب قط من توقيع الاتفاقيات متى ناسبتهم الصفقة”. "العيب ليس في مادة القبائل الجنوبية الوراثية وإنما في القادة السياسيين الذين يستغلون الإثنية لتعظيم جمهورهم وتحريض بني عرقهم على تكريس سلطانهم في جيب جغرافي أو سياسي." ربط قريست في مناقشته بين ما انتهت إليه اتفاقية السلام الشامل (2005) في الخرطوم وجوبا فقال أنها اكتفت بفض الطرفين المتحاربين على أساس الهوية دون أن تخاطب المعضلة السياسية التي تقع في قلب حرابة السودان الطويلة، سيطرة نخبة سياسية محدودة على السلطة والموارد.ء

بالجهة المقابلة، رأى آخرون أبرزهم مراسل الغارديان البريطانية دانيال هاودن، أن جنوب السودان لم يتأهل قط لمقام الدولة فهو بعبارة كلمة الغارديان أول نشوب الأزمة "مجموعة متباعدة من القبائل التي لا تستحق بعد وصف الدولة"، لتضيف: "في الواقع، تمثل الدولة جذر المشكلة في جنوب السودان." ردت الغارديان في تحليلها الأزمة إلى التنافس القبلي على السيطرة على جهاز الدولة، بين الدينكا والنوير وكذلك تذمر قبائل أصغر من هيمنة حلف الإثنين. وصف هاودن في تقاريره جولات القتل بالهوية التي قام بها الجنود الموالون للرئيس كير مستهدفين مواطنيهم النوير معتمدا على شهادة ناجين وجدوا المأوى في مقرات الأمم المتحدة.ء

انتهى قريست إلى ضرورة تغيير جذري في الممارسة السياسية في جنوب السودان، تغيير يتعدى مجرد صفقة أخرى لاقتسام الثروة والسلطة أما هاودن فاقترح ما نهى عنه قريست، قسمة جديدة، وعودة إلى طاولة التأسيس كما قال. نادت الغارديان في كلمتها ألا بد من دواء لأمراض الريبة والغيرة التي تهيمن على العلاقات بين أقوام جنوب السودان. لم يقل أحد شيئا عن عامة مواطني جنوب السودان الذين زحفوا بجمعهم يوم الاستفتاء، يطلبون السلام تحت راية الدولة، وها هي انكبت عليهم بميسمها الحارق، لا سلام لا كلام.ء



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Old 04-Jan-14, 23:26   #33
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January 3, 2014



U.S. Is Facing Hard Choices in South Sudan

By MARK LANDLER


WASHINGTON — South Sudan is in many ways an American creation, carved out of war-torn Sudan in a referendum largely orchestrated by the United States, its fragile institutions nurtured with billions of dollars in American aid. But a murky, vicious conflict there has left the Obama administration scrambling to prevent the unraveling of a major American achievement in Africa.

With at least 1,000 people killed in fighting between government and rebel forces, and with disturbing reports of ethnically motivated atrocities by both sides, President Obama faces the real prospect that South Sudan could become Africa’s next failed state.

On the first morning of his Hawaii visit, two weeks ago, Mr. Obama woke up to an urgent conference call with his national security team about the fighting in South Sudan, and efforts to evacuate American citizens. He has been briefed on it every day since, his aides said — a level of attention unheard-of for any other crisis in that part of Africa.

As with Syria and other sectarian conflicts, Mr. Obama does not have many good options. With no plans for American military intervention, the United States is frantically brokering peace talks between the warring factions while trying to fortify a United Nations peacekeeping force. It is also consulting Uganda and Ethiopia, whose troops could intervene to prevent rebels from seizing South Sudan’s capital, Juba.

“None of us is naïve; this is a real and profound crisis,” said Gayle Smith, the senior director for global development and humanitarian issues at the National Security Council, who is helping direct the response. “But we’ve got a long history, and we’ve got some leverage.”

On Friday, after days of pressure by an American special envoy, the two sides began talking, through a mediator, in the Ethiopian capital, Addis Ababa. The White House has threatened to cut off aid to anyone who seizes power, and it is no longer providing training for South Sudan’s military, the Sudan People’s Liberation Army.

Still, the fighting rages on, prompting the State Department to withdraw more personnel from its embassy in Juba. It has already evacuated hundreds of Americans and ringed the embassy with 45 American soldiers to protect it from an attack like that on the diplomatic compound in Benghazi, Libya, in September 2012.

Unlike most African countries, South Sudan has a powerful constituency in Washington, not only in the White House but also on Capitol Hill, where lawmakers have championed its Christian population against persecution by the Muslim north. The administration of George W. Bush played a central role in negotiating an end to Sudan’s protracted civil war, setting the stage for the 2011 referendum that split the south from the north.

For this administration, too, South Sudan carries special resonance. Mr. Obama’s national security adviser, Susan E. Rice, is an Africa expert, who in 2006 called for the United States to intervene militarily to prevent the slaughter of civilians in Darfur. Aides say Ms. Rice has briefed the president by phone almost every day during his vacation, and before Christmas, she recorded a message to the people of South Sudan, warning that “those who have committed acts of violence against civilians must be held accountable.”

The American ambassador to the United Nations, Samantha Power, made her name by arguing for intervention in countries to avert genocide and recently returned from a visit to another strife-torn country, the Central African Republic. At the United Nations, she drafted a resolution to increase the number of peacekeepers in South Sudan.

Secretary of State John Kerry witnessed the referendum while a senator — and has reminded South Sudan’s president, Salva Kiir, of that in repeated phone calls urging him to reconcile with his former vice president, Riek Machar. Their political feud revived barely dormant ethnic tensions within the country.

The United States, a senior administration official said, is getting “a lot of very disturbing reports about targeted killings of Nuer, as well as targeted killings of Dinka” — the two main ethnic groups in South Sudan. The specter of mass atrocities has rattled the administration, which on Friday pledged an additional $49.8 million in humanitarian aid for the roughly 180,000 people driven from their homes by the fighting.

“We can’t allow the carnage to go on; we can’t allow the capital to be overrun,” said Tom McDonald, who worked on Sudan issues as the American ambassador to Zimbabwe during the administration of Bill Clinton. “We have too much to lose; we’ve put too much into this.”

Mr. McDonald, now a lawyer at Baker Hostetler, said the administration should pursue a dual track, encouraging reconciliation while developing plans to help Uganda and Ethiopia with military intervention in the event that diplomacy fails. Uganda’s president, Yoweri Museveni, has threatened to intervene if the rebels do not agree to a cease-fire.

While the United States is highly unlikely to commit its own troops, Mr. McDonald said, it could provide planes to transport Ugandan soldiers or share intelligence on rebel positions with Ethiopia’s air force. American officials said that they hoped that Uganda’s warning would be enough of a deterrent and that intervention would not be needed.

In the meantime, said Grant T. Harris, the senior director for African affairs at the National Security Council, the United States is pushing to expand the size and mission of the United Nations’ peacekeeping force, which currently numbers more than 7,600 and is struggling to protect an estimated 45,000 refugees who have swarmed its compounds.

For now, American diplomacy is being handled by a special envoy, Donald E. Booth, an experienced Africa hand who has been ambassador to Ethiopia, Liberia and Zambia. But some experts say higher-level officials, like Ms. Rice, will eventually have to get involved.

“The last thing I worry about is these guys not knowing about, or not understanding, what’s going on there,” said John Prendergast of the Enough Project, a nonprofit, anti-genocide organization.

The problem, analysts say, is that the United States does not have the influence it had before 2011. Then, the South Sudanese needed American aid and support for a referendum. Now they have independence and more than $1 billion a year in oil revenue that used to go to the north.

“Very quickly after independence, we saw increasingly authoritarian instincts, not just on the part of Salva Kiir, but all the members of the South Sudanese political elite,” said Cameron Hudson, a former State Department official who is now the policy director at the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum.

This time around, powerful neighbors like Ethiopia, Uganda and Kenya are taking a lead role in trying to broker peace.

Still, said Sara Pantuliano, head of the Humanitarian Policy Group at the Overseas Development Institute in London, “I do think that the U.S. is probably the only country that can push the two sides to sit down and have serious talks. But they really need to want it at a very high level.”



Nicholas Kulish contributed reporting from Nairobi, Kenya.


http://www.nytimes.com/2014/01/04/us...udan.html?_r=0
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Old 04-Jan-14, 23:45   #34
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The Telegraph (UK)


South Sudan rebel leader interview: 'I still hope for peace'

Riek Machar, the leader of South Sudan's rebels, has told The Telegraph that he is not seeking power through military means

Hannah McNeish, Nairobi

5:40PM GMT 03 Jan 2014

South Sudan's rebels will hold back from attacking the capital Juba in the hope of achieving a “negotiated settlement”, their leader has told The Telegraph.

Riek Machar, the former vice-president whose revolt began on Dec 15, added that government forces should also stop trying to capture territory under his control.

Mr Machar’s insurgents now hold large areas of three of South Sudan’s 10 states, including all of the country’s vital oilfields. His rebels have advanced southwards towards Juba since capturing Bor, the capital of Jonglei state, on Tuesday.

Mr Machar said that his force clashed with the army 15 miles outside Bor yesterday, destroying a large military convoy. “It was big - a convoy of 900 [troops], supported with four tanks and many heavy machine guns,” he said.
Mr Machar and his rival, Salva Kiir, the president, have both sent delegations to peace talks in the Ethiopian capital, Addis Ababa. But the rebel leader said the “agenda” for these negotiations was “not yet agreed upon” and his essential precondition - the release of 11 political allies who were arrested when the revolt began - had still not been met.

Nonetheless, Mr Machar said that he would hold back from attacking Juba. “I’m being restrained by the international community and the talks, which I hope will yield some fruits,” he said.

“We are making our defences so that we protect the areas we control.”
He added: “I hope that Salva Kiir stops pushing to retake the areas that are under our control so that we can have talks,” Mr Machar refused to say how close his forces were to Juba.

The possible threat to the capital triggered a further evacuation of foreign nationals on Friday. The US embassy announced on Friday that it was drawing down to a minimum of core staff. It urged any remaining American citizens to leave on an evacuation flight that departed in the morning.

Philip Aguer, South Sudan’s military spokesman, said the rebels were about 60 miles from Juba, but promised that they would be “defeated any time now”.
The US was “considering pulling out last night but decided to draw down instead,” said one diplomat in Juba.

A security expert said that a “tremendous amount of rumour” meant that an already skeletal United Nations was reducing its presence in Juba, despite the fact that 200,000 people have fled their homes across South Sudan, with about 70,000 seeking refuge inside UN bases.

The security expert doubted whether the rebels had “the legs to come down to Juba,” adding that the conflict had reached a “decisive point from a military perspective”. He added: “Whichever way the military engagements go, it will impact significantly on the talks in the next 24 to 48 hours.”

On Thursday, the government declared a state of emergency in two states held by Mr Machar - Jonglei and Unity. The authorities say that Mr Machar mobilised thousands of youths from his Nuer ethnic group in Jonglei to fight under the banner of the “White Army” - a name derived from their tradition of daubing themselves in white ash before battle.


http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/worl...for-peace.html
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Old 04-Jan-14, 23:53   #35
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The Telegraph

Juba rings with gunfire as South Sudan peace talks open in Ethiopia

South Sudan's capital was echoing with heavy gunfire on Saturday evening, as peace talks in Ethiopia officially opened


A group of South Sudanese soldiers gather near a truck as they patrol the streets of Juba Photo: AFP

By Harriet Alexander

7:15PM GMT 04 Jan 2014

Peace talks aimed to bring about an end to the conflict in South Sudan officially opened in Ethiopia on Saturday, yet were immediately marred by the sound of heavy gunfire in the capital.

Juba's southern districts were ringing with gunfire, an AFP correspondent said – ending days of relative calm in the city despite the raging three-week long conflict in the rest of the troubled country.

Explosions from reported artillery fire as well as the constant rattle of automatic weapons were heard in Juba's key government district – where most ministries, the presidential palace and the parliament are located.
But it was not clear whether the gunfire marked the beginning of an assault on the capital.

Edward Luka, a doctor based in Juba, said on Twitter: "I am in Gudele. The gunshots coming from Giyada side and national security office on Jebel. Not an attack from outside."

He added: "There was gunfire, but it has now become quiet again."

The US embassy in South Sudan ordered a further scaling back of staff on Friday because of the "deteriorating security situation", although Washington – a key backer of the fledgling state – insisted it remains committed to ending the violence.

Uganda has deployed troops inside South Sudan to evacuate its citizens and bolster support for the embattled president, Salva Kiir.

On Friday Riek Machar, leader of the rebels, told The Telegraph that his side would not attack Juba.

"I'm being restrained by the international community and the talks, which I hope will yield some fruits," he said.

"We are making our defences so that we protect the areas we control."

He added: "I hope that Salva Kiir stops pushing to retake the areas that are under our control so that we can have talks."

Mr Machar refused on Friday to say how close his forces were to Juba. On Tuesday they had captured Bor, 120 miles north and the capital of Jonglei state.

Philip Aguer, South Sudan's military spokesman, said on Friday that the rebels were about 60 miles from Juba, but promised that they would be "defeated any time now".

Yet on Saturday the peace talks in Addis Ababa were officially opened, amid dwindling hopes of a ceasefire to end raging fighting and prevent a slide into all-out civil war.

While top leaders of the government and rebel teams had met briefly, the rivals negotiating teams were up until Saturday holding separate talks with negotiators – causing frustration at the delayed start.

They plan finally to meet face-to-face on Sunday.

No timeline has been set for the crucial discussions, and irritation was growing that the teams had spent three days in the same luxury hotel in Addis Ababa without sitting down to talk.

Since the conflict erupted on December 15, thousands of people are feared to have been killed in the fighting, pitting army units loyal to Mr Kiir against a loose alliance of ethnic militia forces and mutinous army commanders nominally headed by his rival, former vice president Mr Machar.


http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/worl...-Ethiopia.html
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Old 06-Jan-14, 16:36   #36
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Sudan Tribune

South Sudan: Making sense of December the 15th, start of war – Part 2

By John A. Akec

January 5, 2013 - It is a daunting task trying to sum up in one article the myriad of political causes behind three weeks of catastrophic violence in South Sudan in which over a thousand lives have been lost, tens of thousands displaced, incalculable damage inflicted on the national economy, and human rights and security undermined by the parties involved in the conflict.

In the part 1 of the series, the author had highlighted how the conflict was started based on firsthand accounts of the military generals in the army division of the Presidential Guards in which the shootout began on the night of December 15th 2013 at around 10:17 pm before spreading to other army divisions and thereafter to state of Unity, Jonglei, and Upper Nile.

This is the second and the last part of the article series.

HISTORY IS NOT FOR NOTHING

Not a while ago, I noted that everywhere in the world, lessons of history are learned to build a safe pathway into the future, except in South Sudan where events take place and are soon forgotten. And that, in my view, is a big mistake. And as Professor Abraham Matoc Dhal of Rumbek University’s College of Economic Studies recently noted: "History is not for nothing."

Not only history, but in author’s view, anthropology matters also in understanding the root causes and parameters of ethnic conflicts.

Writing on Development Policy Forum, a policy discussion forum managed by Ebony Centre for Strategic Studies, a think-tank, Samson Wassara, a professor of political sciences at the University of Juba observed:

"The causes of the crisis are rooted in historical legacies of the long civil war that seemed to have ended by the signature of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) in January 2005....origins [...] can be traced back to the event. But causes of the current crisis are associated with the past. "

Thus, in order to find our compass into the present quagmire, a glimpse into our distant and recent past will be an exercise worth doing, albeit imperfectly.

THE DINKA AND THE NUER: A SNAPSHOT OF ETHNOGRAPHY AND POWER DYNAMICS

Dinka is the largest single ethnic group in South Sudan. They exist in 7 out of 10 South Sudan states: Northern Bahr El Ghazal, Western Bahr El Ghazal, Warap, Lakes, Jongeli, Unity, Upper Nile state, in addition to Abyei. They total around 3.2 million strong according to South Sudan Population Census 2008 (excluding Abyei). The Dinka outnumber the Nuer by a factor of 2 to 1; namely, for every Nuer, there are two Dinka. The majority of Dinka are found in Northern Bahr El Ghazal, Warap, and Lakes staes. In Unity State, Dinka are minority occupying just 2 counties out of 9; while they have significant presence in Upper Nile where they occupy 4 counties out 13; and in Jonglei state, the Dinka occupy 4 counties out of 11.

The Nuer, on the other hand, is the second largest ethnic group in South Sudan. They are found in Unity, Upper Nile, and Jonglei states with a total population of about 1.6 million strong. In Unity state, they live in 7 counties out of 9 where they are the overwhelming majority. In Upper Nile state, the Nuer occupy 4 counties out of 13, and in Jonglei state, they have 5 counties out of 11.

Between them, the Dinka and Nuer make up 4.8 million or 57% of South Sudan population.

The two ethnic groups share common culture, have similar languages, and practice agro-pastoralist economy. The Nuer ethnographers include Edward Evans-Prichard (The Nuer: A Description of the Modes of Livelihood and Political Institutions of a Nilotic People, 1940), and Sharon E. Hutchinson (Nuer Dilemas: Coping with Money, War, and State, 1996), while Dinka were studied by Francis Mading Deng (The Dinka People of the Sudan, 1972), Geoffrey Lienhardt (Divinity and the Experience: The Religion of the Dinka, 1961) , and John Ryle (Warriors of the White Nile: the Dinka, 1982), among others. It is worth referring to these works to gain some background understanding of the Dinka and Nuer norms.

THE NUER

In one of his papers (The Nuer of Southern Sudan, 1940), the British anthropologist Edward Evans-Pritchard, who also described the Nuer as "wild offshoot of Dinka", observed:

"Every Nuer, the product of hard upbringing, deeply democratic and easily aroused to violence, considers himself as good as his neighbour; and families and joint families, whilest coordinating their activities with those of their fellow villagers, regulate their affairs as pleased."

The above accolade-imparting observation has a worrying side to it, though; namely, being "easily aroused to violence" and being "deeply democratic" do not make for good bed-fellows for advancing democratic values when Nuer interact with other groups in the state, for example. Pritchard also noted that while the Nuer do not follow leaders, they can listen to their spiritual/religious leaders such spearmen and rain-makers. Ngundeng is a good example of influential religious leaders.

THE DINKA

The same could have been said about the Dinka, except that Dinka, in my view, are relatively slow to provoke to violence, although many of them have aggressive tendencies when interacting with others. This is what many outsiders find intimidating to say the least. And once provoked, are not easy to stop. What is more, Dinka communities maintain communal leadership structures with clear lines of communication; and it is not just anybody in Dinka society is considered a leader.

Moreover, leaders in Dinka society are heeded and the Dinka believe that people, even within the same family, are "not as equal as sticks in a match box," or "have the same height as the herds of giraffes." It means some are considered wiser than others. Some people deserve more respect than others, because of their age, education, or social status, for example. This stratification of Dinka society has positive implications for the way peace is maintained, conflicts resolved, and on how the society is organised and led.

Traditionally, the Dinka and Nuer raided each others’ borders for cattle rustling especially during the dry season from December to May each year. More often than not, when Dinka raids Nuerland, it is likely to be retaliation for a Nuer offence. However, in recent years, and with spread of small arms, the raids have become increasingly deadly, and more of Nuer’s Dinka neighbours increasingly taking the initiative to rob Nuer’s cattle instead of confining themselves to counter Nuer raids. And what is disturbing about all this is that rarely had the disputes been settled or have anyone been brought to justice for cattle rustling offences that frequently involve lost of life including the killing of women, children, and the elderly in cold blood.

DINKA-NUER HOLLY ALLIANCES

The politicians and military personnel from the two groups have often collaborated fruitfully at certain times, and clashed destructively in other times. In Sudan history on anti-colonial movement, for example, both the Dinka and Nuer made significant contributions to resistance movement against the British colonial rule in Sudan. The White Brigade was founded and led by Ali Abdalatif, a Dinka by origin, who was the political leader of the first Sudanese anti-British movement, and Abdalfadheel El Maz, a Nuer by origin, historically noted for bravery and a military heroism, and as martyr of 1924 armed uprising against British rule in Sudan. This is not to say that only Dinka and Nuer were the only active ethnic groups in the anti-colonial movement.

Furthermore, in author’s time, collaboration between two former Sudan army officers Kurbino Kuanyin Bol, a Dinka, and William Nyuon Beny, a Nuer; led to staging of a mutiny in 1983 in Bor and Ayod respectively, and marked the beginning of the second wave of North-South conflict led by Sudan People’s Liberation Movement (SPLM) that ended with signing of Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) in January 2005, and the declaration of South Sudan independence in July 2011.

BLOODY POWER STRUGGLE

And while there has never been a complete divide along ethnic lines, power struggle between leaders from Dinka and Nuer ethnicities has also involved a component of ethnicity when mobilising support base, or as the unintended consequence or a by-product of such power struggle.

For example, power struggle and clashes of visions pitted John Garang (a Dinka), Kuribino Kuanyin (Dinka), and William Nyuon (Nuer) of SPLM on one hand, against Samuel Gai Tut (Nuer), and Akuot Atem (Dinka) of Anya Nya II on the other hand during the early stages of founding of SPLM (1984-1985), and led to one of the first bloody splits within the leadership ranks in South Sudan resistance movement. The dispute over power eventually took ethnic line in which thousands of lives were lost, mostly in suppressing Nuer-led mutiny against SPLA which also resulted in the victimization of innocent Nuer civilians; and through revenge killings carried out by Nuer militia against Dinka, irrespective of whether or not the Dinka victims are armed combatants or unarmed civilians.

The conflict in SPLA began with killing of Samuel Gai Tut in an ambush by a force loyal to John Garang in 1984 while Tut was on his way to a meeting to settle differences with Garang’s group. After the death of Samuel Gai Tut, William Abdalla Chuol, a younger Nuer officer, took over the faction (Anya Nya II) after executing Akuot Atem, a Dinka compatriot of Samuel Gai Tut. This was followed by a massacre that claimed nearly 2,000 Dinka SPLA recruits from Greater Bahr El Ghazal en route to Ethiopia through Upper Nile. Abdalla Chuol was later assassinated by SPLA forces after leading a fierce counter insurgency against SPLA with the support of Khartoum government after his forces became known as government "friendly forces." In pursuit of Nuer counter insurgents, SPLA committed many atrocities against Nuer civilian population which led to mass migration to North Sudan, and deepening the hatred between the two ethnic groups.

Furthermore, in 1991, Riek Machar broke away from SPLM and formed a faction known as SPLM-Nasir. Starting as a broad-based splinter group, Nasir Faction increasingly became an exclusive Nuer outfit, especially after Bor Masacre in 1991 in which 2,000 Dinka civilians were killed by Machar’s forces. In 1997, Machar-led South Sudan Independence Movement (SSIM), as Nasir faction was later renamed, signed Khartoum Peace Agreement (KPA) with Sudan government.

Machar forces, that were predominantly Nuer, mounted serious counter insurgency against SPLA and allowed the Sudan government to exploit the oil from South Sudan fields in Unity and Upper Nile, with catastrophic outcome for South Sudan liberation war. After the collapse of Khartoum Peace agreement, Riek Machar quit to sign an agreement with SPLM and was reintegrated with some of his forces in 2001. Paulino Matip and other generals stayed behind in Khartoum until 2005 when CPA was concluded before reaching a new agreement with SPLM.

Professor Wassara noted recently that the agreement was not good enough:
"The cosmetic reconciliation between the SPLM/A leading to the signing of the CPA did not heal the wounds of the 1991 rift."

Yet this question remains: What actually constitutes reconciliation in what is increasingly ethnic-based power struggle?

After the signing of CPA and setting up of the government of South Sudan, anti-government militia activity in Unity, Upper Nile, and Jonglei that lacked clearly defined goals had continued unabated and posed security challenges to the nation. The solution has been amnesty and integration of militia leaders and their armies into the rank of SPLA, only for many of them to re-defect months or year later. The government continued to apply the same cure to militia problem and with the same results!

And despite all above, it would appear no one has internalized the root causes behind the Nuer unrest so as to identify more sustainable resolution.

THE STRAW THAT BROKE THE CAMEL’S BACK: OBSTACLES TO MACHAR’S AMBITIONS

It would be a grievous mistake to say that the re-integration of Dr. Riek Machar into SPLM in 2001, and giving him the second highest stake in the government after the president had done nothing to keep power dynamics between the two groups in check, leading to a peaceful conduct of referendum and standing up to Sudan’s intransigence over the post-referendum issue.

It is worth mention that the Nuer were given great stakes in the government across the board the level of which is commensurate with their size in the population. And as vice president of the republic for 8 years, it is understandable that Dr. Machar of late has began to set his eyes on the top job and to explore the political landscape to identify any obstacle to his political ambitions. And he did find many.

First, Dr. Machar wanted the term of presidency reduced to two terms maximum in the South Sudan interim constitution, but that wish was not granted. Second, he wanted the vice president to be acting president should the position fall vacant until elections take place. Instead, the job goes to leader of national legislative assembly as in the constitution. Although he had wanted to be nominated as the leader of the house, he was not. Next Dr Machar strove to remove the clause in SPLM constitution that gives SPLM chairperson to nominate 5% members to NLC and at all other levels of the party. That was roundly voted down in the last NLC convention (128 against . Again Machar want the decisions to be made in NLC using secret ballot rather than the show of hand (hoping to give the shy members to make their genuine choice without fear of intimidation). That was also defeated by a majority vote. Machar expected for a more reconciliatory speech from the SPLM chairman at NLC convention, but he got none.

Small wonder, Machar and his group walked out of NLC convention Saturday afternoon, and never to return. And the rest is history.

ROAD NOT TAKEN

"Machar should have known better that using ethnic means as a strategy to get power will have many unintendend consequences", said a former SPLA combatant.

The most obvious thing that Dr. Machar could have done was to form his own party and contest the next election. Having come close to the front of the queue, the rules of the game were suddenly changed and Machar found himself thrown to the bottom of stairs; and then the stairs taken away. Instead of ballot, Machar went for bullet, with the intent to right those wrongs. Not a good choice.

THE IMPLICATION FOR FUTURE OF THE COUNTRY

At the moment, 55 to 60% of the army is Nuer, while they are 20% of population. And given the high defection rate among Nuer in recent conflict, the trust in members of Nuer in the armed forces has received a terrible bashing. One former SPLA general was quoted as saying: " the dilemma for South Sudan is either the constitution disallows the drafting of Nuer in the army, or give them their own country." This would sound extreme but minimizing risk of defection of Nuer in future would be a critical concern in the maintenance of national security.

It would require the passing of legislation to reorganize the army on the bases of the states representation and population size, including increasing the representation of Equatorians and other ethnic groups.

It is unlikely that Machar will win the war and compromise from warring parties would be necessary. International community can work to get the parties agree on transitional period to an internationally organised elections. Machar and group need a free space to promote their vision through peaceful democratic means.

The government also needs to reform the army to be more professional, representative of the whole population, and trustworthy. Compulsory military service should also be constituted for all below certain age to be agreed.

Security organs need strengthening and improve its technological capacity to detect crime and fight terrorism at the bud. Security holes created by non-registration of all mobile phone numbers needs to be addressed as a matter of national security.

And above all, the government needs to improve service delivery in areas of health, education, transportation, electricity, drinking water, and food security to the whole population. Those are the things that worth fighting for, and not on who should be the ruler.

Dr. John Akec is the Chairperson of Academics and Researchers Forum for Development (ARFD), an academic-led think-tank registered as an NGO in South Sudan. He edits a blog bearing his name at


http://www.JohnAkecSouthSudan.blogspot.com. The views expressed in the articles are his own and do not express the position of ARFD

http://www.sudantribune.com/spip.php?article49453
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Old 06-Jan-14, 16:57   #37
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6 January 2014 Last updated at 11:28 ET


S Sudan and Sudan 'consult on oilfield force'


About 80% of oil production is under the control of South Sudanese forces

Sudan and South Sudan have begun talks to deploy a joint force to protect oilfields in the South threatened by rebels, Sudan's foreign minister says.

The news comes after Sudan's President Omar al-Bashir flew to South Sudan to discuss the unrest there with his counterpart, Salva Kiir.

The conflict pits supporters of Mr Kiir against rebels led by his sacked deputy, Riek Machar.

At least 1,000 people have been killed since violence erupted on 15 December.

The violence started after Mr Kiir accused Mr Machar of attempting a coup - an allegation he denies.

Nearly 200,000 people have been displaced in the conflict, which has taken on ethnic undertones. Mr Kiir is from the majority Dinka community and Mr Machar from the Nuer group.

Revenue threatened

On Monday, Sudan's Foreign Minister Ali Karti said Mr Bashir and Mr Kiir were "in consultations about the deployment of a mixed force to protect the oilfields in the South".

However neither of the presidents referred to the proposal during their joint news conference in the South Sudanese capital Juba.

South Sudan ended up with most of the oilfields after gaining independence from Sudan in 2011 following decades of conflict.

But it has to export the oil using pipelines through ports in Sudan's territory. The government in Khartoum now fears its oil revenue will be disrupted by the fighting in the South.

The BBC's South Sudan analyst James Copnall says it will be an extraordinary development if Sudanese forces return to the South.

At least two million people died during the north-south conflict.

Separately, the two warring parties in South Sudan have begun direct talks in Ethiopia aiming at a ceasefire.



South Sudanese President Salva Kiir (L) welcomes his Sudanese counterpart Omar al-Bashir


Nearly 200,000 people have been forced from their homes in the conflict

Analysts say that by seizing Bentiu, the capital of the oil producing Unity State, the rebels have in effect been able to hold the country to ransom and certainly made their bargaining position much stronger.

However, not much progress has been made at the Ethiopia talks so far, Mr Kiir said at the news conference with President Bashir.

He said his government would not meet Mr Machar's demand to release 11 of his political allies accused of plotting a coup.

They would be held accountable for the violence in South Sudan, Mr Kiir added.

President Bashir called on the two sides to end the conflict through dialogue, saying Sudan would not back the rebels.

China's Foreign Minister Wang Yi is also due to hold talks with the opposing factions, in an attempt to push them to agree to a cessation of hostilities.

China is a major investor in South Sudan's oil industry.

Heavy fighting

Heavy fighting is continuing to the south of Bor, one of two cities held by rebels, says the BBC's Alastair Leithead, who was on the road between Juba and Bor.

AdvertisementThe BBC's Alastair Leithead was with government troops when they were ambushed

Nearly 200,000 people have been displaced in the conflict.

The rebels include a former military division made up of thousands of men who switched sides, our correspondent says.

Until a ceasefire is agreed, fighting is expected to continue or even intensify, he adds.

The latest trouble has its roots in tensions that go back long before 2011.


http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-africa-25628582



A country divided .. still not at peace and now the Ingaz is contemplating becoming a combatant in the South!!!!!!
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Old 07-Jan-14, 18:01   #38
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Sudan Tribune

The crisis in South Sudan: swapping partners

By Magdi El Gizouli

January 7, 2013 - When asked by the New York Time how he imagines the current crisis in South Sudan to end Jok Madut Jok, one of the country’s leading intellectuals, answered with obvious resignation referring to President Kiir and his former deputy Riek Machar: “The two men will eventually sit down, resolve their issues, laugh for the cameras, and the thousands of civilians who have died will not be accounted for.” Jok might well be right, the question is rather when, or at the price of how many lives? Indeed, the South Sudanese negotiators from the two sides started talks about talks in the Ethiopian capital with keen hugs. The dead, alas, cannot share in the tokens of good will on display in Addis Ababa’s Sheraton.

As things stand, two interlocking factors are likely to determine the timing of the awaited respite: the balance of military power on the battlefields between the two men and the nature and extent of regional involvement in the South Sudanese theatre of war, with the second factor probably overdetermining the first. In the record of old Sudan’s wars, of which the current conflict in independent South Sudan constitutes a continuity, as much as a break, there are no victors, only the dead, and the negotiators and their ‘peace’ agreements, and of course books, some good ones with ignored lessons, and many that lay or rather renew the ideological ground for new wars.

Under the category ideology one should also consider media coverage of events in South Sudan. Ominously, mainstream Sudanese press and Western media, apart from some sane exceptions, shared the same outlook, namely the notion of atavistic drives devouring a country constituted of tribal hordes not peoples. Reports of the insurgency in southern Sudan always ended with the line that the war was between a Muslim Arab north and a Christian and animist African south. This time around, the standard wisdom was confrontation between the Dinka and the Nuer, or a variant thereof, usually the more qualified reminder that President Kiir is a Dinka and Riek Machar a Nuer, with the note that the Dinka constitute South Sudan’s largest ethnic group. ‘Quick descent’ from a power struggle between President Kiir and his former deputy to a civil war pitting the Dinka against the Nuer is then declared but left to the trusting consumer to fathom. Assuming the above reasoning to hold, the mystery is rather how is it at all possible that the Nuer and the Dinka are not at each other’s throats all the time, battle-keen as they are supposed to be.

If the on-going insurgency in Sudan’s South Kordofan and the Blue Nile is a tangential off-shoot of the 2005 Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) signed between the Sudan government and the Sudan People’s Liberation Army/Movement (SPLA/M), unsettled business as it were, so is the current crisis in South Sudan. Liberal peace-making efforts at the time consciously divorced between the necessity of ending the war and the condition of restructuring state power to secure peace, termed rather euphemistically ‘democratic transformation’. The outcome was reproduction of the National Congress Party (NCP) autocracy in Khartoum and the implantation of its precarious double in Juba under banners of the SPLA/M turned into a ruling party, argument being that only those with the capacity to wage war deserved to dictate the terms of peace, and so they did. The contradiction, so dear to the ‘experts’, between the Arab Muslim north and the African Christian animist south was resolved by an international border of terribly poor resolution. The contradictions that sustained the war however, primary among them the capture of the state by “bourgeoisified bureaucratic elites” to use John Garang’s eerie terminology, adding the adjective militarised in the case of South Sudan to account for the legacy of the liberation struggle, as opposed to the rural mass of the population, were accepted as destiny if not actively encouraged to facilitate ‘peace’. Consider in that regard how the 2010 elections, the landmark event of ‘democratic transformation’ under the 2005 CPA, were internationally delivered to the NCP in northern Sudan and the SPLM in southern Sudan without even the grace of acknowledging their farcical nature aloud. Yasir Arman’s aborted presidential candidacy on a SPLM ticket was the dramatic entertainment offered to the indulgent, a non-event to square the ‘bi-partisan’ deal. A long-time Garangist, Yasir is yet to come to terms with the secession of South Sudan, his politics remain a hangover from the days of the big man.

In northern Sudan, the 2010 elections proved the main catalyst for the renewed insurgency in South Kordofan, a count of votes, contested and corrupted, could on no account address a situation where a ‘national’ army was in a haste to do away with combatants still in command of an arsenal and territory. In southern Sudan, the now forgotten insurgency of George Athor who lost the bid for the gubernatorial post in Jonglei State when the SPLM endorsed the candidacy of Kuol Manyang Juuk was arguably a foretaste of how electoral politics operate when the ruling political party doubles as an army. Athor died in disputed circumstances in December 2011. Riek Machar, yesterday’s vice president and today’s rebel, claimed Athor was killed in a clash with a border patrol unit after crossing back into Equatoria following a trip to Rwanda. For enthusiasts of the Dinka-Nuer rivalry George Athor was a Padeng-Dinka. In terms of agreements, South Sudan had its own ‘protocols’ to add to the CPA, comparable to the rushed and ill-fated CPA protocols on the Three Areas, South Kordofan, the Blue Nile and Abyei, namely the 2006 Juba Declaration signed with the South Sudan Defence Forces (SSDF) led by the late Paulino Matieb. An umbrella of militia formations comparable in size to the SPLA itself, the SSDF trace their evolution back to the 1978 Anya Nya II of Upper Nile but were born out of the 1997 Khartoum Peace Agreement signed with the South Sudan Independence Army/Movement (SSIA/M) of Riek Machar, the SPLA/M-United of Lam Akol, the Equatoria Defence Force (EDF), Kerubino Kawanyn Bol’s own SPLA/M and ‘other groups’.

The SSDF were arguably the SAF’s greatest asset in the war against the SPLA/M. Oil production in Western Upper Nile (aptly renamed Unity State) would not have been possible without Paulino Matieb’s soldiers, under subcontract of the Sudan Armed Forces (SAF) military intelligence. If South Kordofan and the Blue Nile were the SPLA/M’s south within the north the SSDF were the Khartoum government’s mobile north within the south. The CPA stipulated the dissolution of the SSDF, a prospect that John Garang probably considered in earnest but did not survive to test. Garang died in July 2005, and his successor Salva Kiir opted for absorption of the SSDF into the SPLA, a decision that found expression in the 8 January 2006 Juba Declaration. Accordingly, the ageing Matieb was appointed deputy commander of the SPLA, but “integration”, “unity” and “reconciliation”, the key words of the declaration, were ripped out of a military dictionary not a political one. Former SSDF commanders including Peter Gadet, Gordon Kong and others, kept the revolving doors of the SPLA busy in cycles of mutiny and pardon. In that regard, Riek Machar’s return to the “bush” as prince over old company spikes an established trend, so far as to plateau in Addis Ababa’s Sheraton.

It should come as no surprise then that President Kiir turned to his CPA partner President Bashir for counsel with the oil arteries of the twin regimes at stake. President Bashir landed in Juba on Monday accompanied by the chiefs of his military-security cabal to pronounce that no forces opposed to the Juba government will be allowed to operate out of Sudan, and Sudan’s Foreign Minister Ali Karti claimed that Juba had asked for talks on deployment of a joint force to guard South Sudan’s oil fields. Military intelligence in Khartoum obviously has more to offer to counterparts in Juba than Kampala ever can. The rebellion in South Sudan comes at a time when the SAF is engaged in its widest counter-insurgency campaign in South Kordofan and the Blue Nile since the resumption of war in 2011, and offers Khartoum the opportunity to seal the security pact it always wished for, sanction to operate behind the lines of the SPLA/M in North Sudan and its allies in the Sudan Revolutionary Front (SRF). The pro-government press in Khartoum prepared public opinion for the shift from ‘friendly’ to ‘brotherly’ South Sudan with reports attributed to anonymous South Sudanese military experts that forces of the SRF were fighting alongside Riek Machar’s allies in Unity State. On a more composed note, officials maintained that Machar had recanted on his pledge not to disturb oil production. Ironically, it is Khartoum that is now invited to stabilise the SPLA/M regime in Juba, theChinese to mediate between President Kiir and his former deputy, and Lam Akol who faces Machar’s delegates as Kiir’s negotiator. The Prendergastians must be aghast. In this world, say Omdurmani grandmothers, you might even get to witness your own mother’s bridal dance, if that’s any solace.


The author is a fellow of the Rift Valley Institute. He publishes regular opinion articles and analyses at his blog Still Sudan. He can be reached at m.elgizouli@gmail.com


http://www.sudantribune.com/spip.php?article49471
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ديمقراطية راسخة ..تنمية مستدامة ..وطن واحد ..سلم وطيد
Sudan for all the Sudanese ..السودان لكل السودانيين
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Old 09-Jan-14, 14:51   #39
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Default الشيوعي بدولة الجنوب يدعو لوقف القتال وإطلاق سراح المعتقلين

الميدان 9 يناير 2014

الشيوعي بدولة الجنوب يدعو لوقف القتال وإطلاق سراح المعتقلين

الميدان: جوبا

اصدر الحزب الشيوعي في دولة الجنوب بيانا أوضح فيه رأيه حول الأحداث الجارية في الجنوب جاء فيه: في عام 2013 عندما قام رئيس الجمهورية بحل تشكيله الوزاري وأحال نائبه، نحن في الحزب الشيوعي وصفنا ذلك في بيان علني أنه خطوة أخرى في صراع السلطة في الحزب الحاكم، وبأن هذا الصراع بعيد عن قضايا ما بعد الاستقلال كالفقر الأصيل والعطالة والأمراض وتدني المستوى المعيشي. يتمركز الصراع حول من يحكم البلد ولأي وقت وأن التعيين في المناصب الحكومية أصبح الوسيلة لتراكم الثروة من خلال الرواتب العالية والمخصصات الغير محدودة والرشاوي.ء

أكدنا بأن صراع السلطة فتح الباب لكل الاحتمالات التي من ضمنها العنف، وبأن الحل هو في تشكيل حكومة قومية بمشاركة كافة الأحزاب السياسية والاتفاق على برنامج محدد. إن الاختلاف السياسي يجب أن يترك للجماهير لحسمه من خلال الانتخابات العامة.ء

إن الإحداث الأخيرة في 15 ديسمبر لهي خطوة أخرى في صراع السلطة من خلال عصيان العساكر، غرضه الأساسي الوصول للسلطة من خلال القوة العسكرية إلا أن الصراع في داخل الوطن ضد الحزب الحاكم لهو تأكيد على فشله في إدارة شؤون البلاد. إن تصوير الأحداث بأنها معالجات للوضع السياسي لهو تغيب للحقائق وإن جناحي الحركة الشعبية فشلا وهما يتحملان مسؤولية الكارثة التي يمر بها شعب جنوب السودان.ء

إن طبيعة تكوين الحركة الشعبية العرقي خصوصاً الحرس الجمهوري وليس التكوين القومي هو أحد أسباب الكارثة الحالية. بالرغم من استيعاب معظم المليشيات في داخل الحركة الشعبية، كل المليشيات احتفظت بتركيبتها وقيادتها السابقة داخل الحركة، كل طرف في الصراعات ظل يحتفظ بولائه لمليشياته وعرقيته غض النظر عن كل المحاولات المتعمدة لطمس الحقائق، الحقيقة لا يمكن طمسها والصراع تحول لصراع إثني حاد.ء

إن الخسائر غير محدودة والآلية العسكرية تدمر حياة الآلاف من المواطنين من غير رحمة، لذا نقول في صراع الأفيال فالأعشاب هي التي تعاني. إن القبور الجماعية تنتشر في العديد من أنحاء البلاد، والمواطن العادي فقد أمنه واستقراره وأصبح لاجئاً في وطنه متعرضاً للجوع ، المرض الموت.ء

إن تداعيات الحرب الحالية تقود لتهديد النسيج الاجتماعي وتحليق روح العداء بين المجموعات العرقية المختلفة. وإن استمراريتها تعرقل الإنتاج النفطي وتنتج المزيد من سياسات التقشف الاقتصادية التي تؤثر على المستوى المعيشي.ء

حل الأزمة نحن في الحزب الشيوعي نعلن علنا وفي غير تراجع عن ضرورة الحل السلمي للاختلاف السياسي، وندين هذا العنف اللا محدود، وندين كل الأطراف المشاركة فيه ونطالب بتقديم المسئولين عنه للعدالة الدولية.ء

ونرحب بخطوات مجلس الأمن بإرسال قوات دولية لحفظ الأمن والاستقرار للحيلولة دون تدهور الأوضاع وتحول جنوب السودان لرواندا أخرى.ء

ونرحب أيضاً بالإيقاد لجلبها لأطراف الصراع للتفاوض ونطالب الحكومة بتهيئة البيئة المناسبة للتفاوض.ء

ء1ـ بإطلاق سراح المعتقلين.ء

ء2ـ وقف إطلاق النار الغير مشروط.ء

نطالب بعرض الاتفاق على كل القوى السياسية والإطلاع على آرائهم السياسية في نفس الوقت عرضه على البرلمان لإجازته.ء

نحن في الحزب الشيوعي نرفض هيمنة الحركة الشعبية على المسائل الوطنية كما كان يحدث قبل الحرب.ء

نعم إن الحركة الشعبية حققت السلام والاستقلال، لكنها جرَّت البلاد للأزمات من خلال صراعاتها الداخلية وعدم مقدرتها على حل مشاكل الناس.ء

من الضرورة بأن تعترف الحركة الشعبية بأخطائها والاعتذار لشعب جنوب السودان.ء

إن شكل الحكومة القادمة ينبغي أن يختلف وأن يمثل كل القوى السياسية.ء

نحن في الحزب الشيوعي ندعو كل القوى السياسية لتعميق روح السلام في داخل المجتمع وإشاعة الروح الديمقراطية. إن الحزب الشيوعي يدعو لتشكيل وطني وإعادة تنظيم جيش جنوب السودان.ء



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حرية سلام وعدالة.. الثورة خيار الشعب

ديمقراطية راسخة ..تنمية مستدامة ..وطن واحد ..سلم وطيد
Sudan for all the Sudanese ..السودان لكل السودانيين
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Old 10-Jan-14, 14:47   #40
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10 January 2014 Last updated at 08:26 ET


South Sudan troops 'recapture key oil city of Bentiu'


South Sudanese government forces have recaptured the oil hub of Bentiu from rebels, an army spokesman has told the BBC.

Col Philip Aguer said the final resistance - a tank protecting a bridge to the city - had been overcome at 14:30 local time (11:30 GMT).

The rebels have not commented.

UN peacekeeping chief Herve Ladsous says the conflict has killed "very substantially in excess" of 1,000 people since 15 December.

Ceasefire talks in neighbouring Ethiopia have stalled.

Bentiu is the capital of the oil-rich Unity state. The fighting has seen South Sudan's oil output fall by about 20%.

Col Aguer told Reuters news agency: "When you control Bentiu you control all the oil fields in Unity state."

Ahead of the government advance, thousands of people fled Bentiu, one of two main cities seized by rebel forces.

The BBC outlines the background to South Sudan's crisis - in 60 seconds.

Several thousand have sought refuge in a UN base in the city, where people have been divided according to their ethnic group in order to prevent clashes.

The conflict has seen outbreaks of ethnic slaughter betweens Dinkas, the community of President Salva Kiir, and Nuers, like rebel leader Riek Machar.

The BBC's Andrew Harding in the South Sudan capital, Juba, says he understands that rebel forces withdrew from Bentiu ahead of the government advance.

He says the question now is whether its fall will prompt negotiators in Ethiopia to reach a ceasefire agreement to avoid further fighting.

Earlier, Col Aguer urged all civilians to leave Bentiu to avoid being caught in the crossfire.

"The earlier they leave, the better," he told the BBC's Outside Source programme.

A UN official said about 250,000 people had fled their homes
The army has also been divided along ethnic lines
Some 2,000 South Sudanese are crossing to Uganda each day
He did not give any casualty figures but said that fighters on both sides had been killed.

UN envoy in South Sudan Toby Lanzer, earlier tweeted from Bentiu that UN peacekeepers had built up defences at the UN base to protect civilians.

Swimming under gunfire

Col Aguer said that from Friday afternoon, all the government forces would be focused on recapturing Bor - the other city under rebel control.

On Thursday, people fleeing Bor told the AFP news agency that gunmen had shot dead fleeing civilians, torched entire villages and looted crops.

One cattle herder told of swimming across the River Nile while being shot at.

"They [the attackers] had a machine gun raised up on a sandbank, and they fired and fired and fired as we swam," Gabriel Bol told AFP.

"The bullets were hitting the water, but we knew we could not stop or they'd shoot us."

Mr Ladsous on Thursday night told the UN Security Council that more than 250,000 had fled their homes because of the conflict.

South Sudan is the world's newest state. It became independent in 2011 after seceding from Sudan.



http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-africa-25684758
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حرية سلام وعدالة.. الثورة خيار الشعب

ديمقراطية راسخة ..تنمية مستدامة ..وطن واحد ..سلم وطيد
Sudan for all the Sudanese ..السودان لكل السودانيين
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Old 10-Jan-14, 16:10   #41
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This war is getting worse by the day. It looks like it is going to take months to resolve it.
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Old 10-Jan-14, 17:23   #42
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Quote:
Originally Posted by Ana-omdurman View Post
This war is getting worse by the day. It looks like it is going to take months to resolve it.
I am not very hopeful, there are just too many issues to resolve, and these will all require time and institutions that are credible. Kiir’s unilateralism has mortally wounded the SPLM and propelled latent issues to the surface, which invited a whole host of other issues. Even if Kiir’s side gains the upper hand now.. I think long-term prospects look poor.
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حرية سلام وعدالة.. الثورة خيار الشعب

ديمقراطية راسخة ..تنمية مستدامة ..وطن واحد ..سلم وطيد
Sudan for all the Sudanese ..السودان لكل السودانيين
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Old 10-Jan-14, 17:25   #43
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The Communist Party of South Sudan

Position of the Communist Party on the Current Situation in the Country


In July 2013, when the President of the Republic dissolved his entire cabinet and removed his Vice-President, we in the Communist Party described this, in a public statement, as a further step in a series of power struggle moves within the ruling party and pointed out that this struggle was far removed from solving the post independence problems like poverty, illiteracy, unemployment, disease, and the degradation of living standards. It is focused on who should rule the country and for how long. The appointments to positions of authority have become the main source of quick accumulation of wealth and enrichment through high salaries and unlimited privileges and services. The interests of the parasitic capitalism and the bureaucracy in government have joined hands in robbing the state. In that statement, we stressed that the power struggle opened the way for all probabilities, including the resort to violence and pointed out that the solution was in the formation of a national government with the participation of all political parties agreeing on a minimal plan of action. The political differences would be left to the public to settle in the forthcoming elections

Recent occurrences of December 15th are a further escalation of the power struggle through the mutiny of soldiers essentially aiming to acquire power using military force.

This time, the struggle takes place against the background of a ruling party, the SPLM, that has failed to run the affairs of the country.

To depict the events as reform driven or correcting the situation in South Sudan is false.

Both wings of the SPLM have failed and its waring factions bear the responsibility for the crisis and the deterioration of the situation now being experienced by the people of South Sudan.

The ethnic background of the formation of the SPLA from the two major ethnicities and especially within the Republican Guards and not on national basis, is one of the reasons behind the current crisis in the country. Inspite of the absorption of most of the Militias in the ranks of the SPLA, each militia maintained its former structure and its leadership within the SPLA. Every side in the conflict resorted first and foremost to its militias and the sons of its ethnicities. Despite the ongoing attempts to distort the facts, it is true and cannot be denied, that the conflict has descended into a sharp ethnic conflict.

The damages are exorbitant and the military machinery is still destroying thousands of lives mercilessly and without remorse. When the elephants fight, it is the grass which suffers. Mass graves are spreading in many parts of the country. The common man has lost his security and stability and has become a refugee in his own country, exposed to death, disease and hunger. The repercussions of the current war will lead to dangerous events threatening the social fabric and creating a spirit of enmity among the main ethnicities in the country. Its continuation could lead to the cessation of petroleum production and the prolongation of austerity measures which have been a burden on the living standards


The Solution to the Crisis

We in the Communist Party start from the premises of our Party unwavering position which calls for non-violence in the resolution of political differences. We therefore condemn in the sharpest tone, the current bloody events and condemn all who directly or indirectly planned the turmoil and call for the presentation of all who committed crimes against humanity to appear before International Justice.

We commend the steps of the Security Council in reinforcing its military forces in the country to cement security and stability so as not to allow the situation to deteriorate into a full blown civil war and transform South Sudan into another Rwanda.

We also applaud the efforts of IGAD in bringing the conflicting parties to the negotiations table and call on the government to take the initiative from its position of strength in creating the necessary conducive environment for the talks:

- Release of the detainees

- Announce the immediate cease fire without any preconditions from both sides.

We demand the presentation of the final agreement to all parties for them to give their opinion in the same way as it has to be presented to the National Legislative Assembly for approval. We believe that the issue is no longer a conflict within the SPLM but a national issue.

We in the Communist Party reject the reinstitution of SPLM hegemony over national issues as it was before the breakout of the war. It s true that the SPLM achieved peace and independence, but has pulled the country into the crisis through their internal differences and the inability to face the vital problems of the people.

It is imperative for the SPLM to admit the grievous mistakes and apologise to the people of South Sudan.

The form of the next government should be different and should represent all the political forces in the forthcoming government. We in the Communist Party call all parties to deepen the spirit of peaceful resolution of conflict within all parts of society and within communities and resort democratically to the will of its citizens.

The Communist Party of South Sudan calls for a national frame to be adopted in the re-organisation and recruitment of the South Sudan Army.




Joseph Modesto,
Secretary General
Central Secretariat
Communist Party of South Sudan

Juba
28.12.2013


http://jukwaa.proboards.com/thread/8915
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ديمقراطية راسخة ..تنمية مستدامة ..وطن واحد ..سلم وطيد
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Old 10-Jan-14, 22:51   #44
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Default طبيعة صراع السلطة داخل الحركة الشعبية وانعكاساته على شعب السودان

الميدان 9 يناير 2014

طبيعة صراع السلطة داخل الحركة الشعبية وانعكاساته على شعب السودان

أسامة سعيد أبو كمبال

الحرب القائمة الآن في جنوب السودان ليست هي الحرب الوحيدة التي تدور منذ توقيع اتفاقية نيفاشا أو بعد استقلال جنوب السودان، فلقد ظلت الحرب مستمرة بين فصائل مختلفة انقسمت من الحركة تحت مختلف الدواعي كما ان هناك العديد من الحروبات القبلية التي تدور حول الموارد.ء

الحرب بشكل عام يتضرر منها فقراء الشعوب وليس سلاطينهم ويستفيد منها تجار الحروب، الحرب التي اشتعلت الآن بين قسمين رئيسيين داخل الحركة يدفع ثمنها شعب السودان بقسميه في الشمال والجنوب دماً ومالاً.ء

أسباب الحرب ودوافعها في اعتقادي لديها جذورها التاريخية في طبيعة الحركة والتحولات التاريخية التي مرت بها مما انعكس على طبيعة حكمها وكيفية إداراتها لجهاز الدولة وصراعاتها في آن واحد.ء

قامت الحركة في عام 1983 على ثلاث شعارات رئيسية:- 1- سودان موحد 2- سودان اشتراكي -3 سودان علماني.ء
وهنا ينبغي ان نستصحب الوضع العالمي حينها فلقد كانت هناك الحرب الباردة ونظام نميري مسنود بالولايات المتحدة، كما ان وجود نظام منقستو بتوجهاته الستالينية كداعم للحركات التحررية اليسارية لديه اثر في تشكل توجهات الحركة ، لكن قرنق نفسه ارتبط بالفكر الاشتراكي الافريقي عند دراسته بدار السلام وشكل مكنونه السياسي لذا ارتبط بالـ
PAN AFRICANISM
ومدرستها في الاشتراكية الافريقية مما سهل ارتباطه بالنظام الاثيوبي ودفعه للتوجه الاشتراكي للحركة، هذا لا يعني عدم وجود يمين وسط قيادتها ولكن كان هذا هو التوجه العام للحركة ما عدا مانفيستو الحركة لم يكن هناك برنامج واضح للحركة يعبر عن كيفية حكم السودان او يشرح طبيعة المانيفستو ولم تكن هناك أي أطروحات سوي حوارات قرنق هنا وهناك او تصريحاته، لذا غلب طابع الصراع العسكري مع الأنظمة على تطور الايدولوجيا داخل الحركة مما انعكس لاحقاً في طبيعة انقساماتها وتطورها الفكري.
الحركة الشعبية بمجمل عضويتها كانت تعتمد على ما ينتجه قرنق وحتى هو نفسه لم يكن منتجاً غزيراً على المستوى النظري ، لذا نجد ارتكان معظم الحركة على أطروحة السودان الجديد والتي هي قائمة على الأركان الثلاث المذكورة أعلاه وتحورت ما بعد انهيار المعسكر الاشتراكي إلى أطروحة فضفاضة تتمحور حول الهوية وعلاقة الدين بالدولة وما بعد نيفاشا لم تكن هناك رؤى أصلا بل اكتفت الحركة بما طرح في نيفاشا.ء

عانت الحركة كأي حركة سياسية وعسكرية من عدة انقسامات ولكن كان أخطرها انقسام فصيل الناصر الشهير عام 1992 والذي كان بقيادة ريك مشار ولام أكول فصيل الناصر كان يمثل التيار اليميني والانتهازي داخل الحركة وقمتها ولتجريد جناح قرنق من حضوره السياسي وسط شعب الجنوب رفعوا شعار حق تقرير المصير بندوة واشنطن عام 1992 مما دفع لاحقاً بتبني جناح قرنق له وبقية الحركة السياسية في مؤتمر اسمرا 1995.ء

دخول شعار تقرير المصير هو ما قاد السودان للانفصال عام 2011، وهذا التيار اليميني نفسه وقع اتفاقية الخرطوم للسلام مع النظام وشارك النظام في حربه ضد الحركة. وهذا التيار اليميني نفسه بقيادة ريك مشار أعاد انضمامه للحركة بعد نيفاشا ، سيطرت الروح القبلية داخل الحركة ولطبيعة التركيبة السياسية للجنوبيين جعلت الكثيرين بمن فيهم من يحسب على اليسار بالانجراف وراء التحليل القبلي تطبيق صراعات الحركة متناسين الصراع الطبقي داخل الحركة فالتيار اليميني لا يتمثل فقط في تيار ريك مشار بل حتى المحسوبين على قرنق هناك كثيرين من القيادات يلتحفون عباءة اليسار وتوجهاتهم انتهازية ذات طابع شخصي يتمظهر في الفساد الذي يغرقون فيه.ء

الصراع الحالي

هذا الصراع ليس حول المضمون الاجتماعي لتوجهات جهاز الدولة الجنوبي فالجنوب ما بعد نيفاشا وحتى الآن يرزح في مجاعة طاحنة وحتى منظمة الغذاء العالمي منذ سنين تطلق النداءات للعون الإنساني إضافة للعديد من الحروب القبلية التي تدور حول الموارد نتيجة لفقدان القبائل لمناطقهم نتاج لبيعها للشركات المتعددة الجنسيات العاملة في الزراعة بما يسمي حالياً في الاقتصاد السياسي
Land grabbing
فقيل خمس سنوات كانت 9% من مساحة دولة الجنوب قد بيعت ومملوكة للشركات الأجنبية التي تعمل في زراعة محصولات نقدية ذات عوائد في الحرب، فريك مشار وسلفاكير كلاهما غير حريص على مصالح شعب الجنوب ولا تقدمه الاجتماعي بل حريصين على التمسك بمقاعد السلطة مما يتيح استغلالها لخدمة مصالحهم الشخصية وانصارهم.ء

تمظهر الصراع بأنه حول الديمقراطية هو الغطاء العام لصراع الفساد والسلطة ، الحرب يدفع ثمنها شعب الجنوب قتلاً وجوعاً ونزوحاً كما تزيد الاحتقان العرقي والاجتماعي نتاج للهروب من سعير الحرب والنزوح للشمال / مما يشكل ضغطاً للموارد ويفتح الباب للصراعات الأهلية في الشمال، هذه الحرب يدفع ثمنها فقراء الشعبين.ء

ان وقف الحرب هو الواجب المقدم للحركة الجماهيرية للشعبين بأي ثمن.ء

ان دخول الأطراف اليوغندية والكينية في الصراع بشكل مباشر وتدخل الإيقاد بمجموعها ما هو إلا وسيلة لاستمرار نيران الحرب لدعمهم لسلفاكير عسكرياً وسياسياً، فالوضع في المنطقة أصلا غير مستقر فالجنوب يتاخم افريقيا الوسطي، يوغندا و كينيا ، اثيوبيا ، الكنغو والسودان، افريقيا الوسطي وهذه البلدان عدا ليبيا تعاني من الحرب الأهلية والكنغو ويوغندا لا تزال هناك بقايا لجيش الرب تعمل عسكرياً مما ينعكس على الصراع الجنوبي وتوجه حكومة الجنوب لحسمه عسكرياً مما يؤدى لإشاعة الفوضى في أراضى الجنوب مما يتيح الفرص لكل الحركات التي تحمل السلاح في هذه البلدان بالتحرك من الجنوب والانطلاق عسكرياً من داخل الأراضي الجنوبية وهذا بدوره يزيد من تدمير الموارد في الجنوب والتهجير والنزوح لمواطني الجنوب في البلدان المختلفة.ء

تعاني كل البلدان المحيطة بالجنوب من عدم الاستقرار السياسي والحرب في الجنوب تتيح الفرص لهذه الأنظمة باستغلال هذه الحرب للخروج من مأزقها السياسي بدفع بلدانها في التدخل في الحرب وتدفع الشعوب الثمن.ء

هناك تساؤل حول الموارد النفطية وبقية الموارد الطبيعية وكيفية تسييرها في ظل الحرب هذه الموارد تدار بواسطة شركات عالمية لديها ارتباطاتها الامبريالية فلحماية حقوقها النفطية أو مشاريعها الزراعية يمكنها الاستعانة بجيوش تستجلبها من كل العالم ان أرادت وليس بالضرورة ان تكون الجيوش نظامية لدول بعينها هناك في العالم العديد من الشركات الأمنية التي تؤجر جيوش المرتزقة في كل العالم.ء

إلى أين يقود هذا الصراع أي كان المنتصر او صيغة الاتفاق السياسي إذا ما تم في التفاوض فليس هناك سبيل لشعب الجنوب للخلاص سوى بناء الحركة الديمقراطية الثورية، بناء حركة العمال والمزارعين عبر الحركة النقابية التي يفتقدها شعب الجنوب، بناء حركة سياسية قادرة على مصارعة الحركة الشعبية والعمل على دمقرطة جهاز الدولة وبناء مؤسسات القطاع العام ومحاربة الفساد الذي هو حجر الزاوية في تعطيل دولاب التنمية وبناء الإنسان في الجنوب.ء


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Old 10-Jan-14, 22:54   #45
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Reuters

Exclusive: U.S. weighs targeted sanctions against South Sudan - sources
10:30pm GMT
By Louis Charbonneau and Warren Strobel

UNITED NATIONS/WASHINGTON (Reuters) - The United States is weighing targeted sanctions against South Sudan due to the failure of leaders in the world's youngest nation to take steps to end a crisis that has brought the country to the brink of civil war, sources briefed on U.S. discussions told Reuters.

"It's a tool that has been discussed," a source told Reuters on condition of anonymity about the possibility of U.S. sanctions against those blocking peace efforts or fuelling violence in South Sudan. Another source confirmed the remarks, though both declined to provide details on the precise measures under consideration.

No decisions have been made yet, the sources added. Targeted sanctions focus on specific individuals, entities or sectors of country.

The U.S. government was unlikely to consider steps intended to economically harm impoverished South Sudan but would likely focus on any measures on those individuals or groups it sees as blocking efforts at brokering peace or committing atrocities.

Traditionally U.S. sanctions against individuals or groups involve a ban on travel to the United States and freezing of their assets in U.S. banks.

Three weeks of fighting, often along ethnic lines, is ringing alarm bells in Washington over the prospect that the conflict could spiral into full-blown civil war, spawning atrocities or making South Sudan the world's next failed state.

The fact that Washington is thinking of threatening U.S. sanctions against a country the United States helped create and supports with large amounts of aid shows how frustrated President Barack Obama's administration has become with President Salva Kiir and a rebel faction led by former Vice President Riek Machar.

U.N. Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon was asked about the possibility of U.S. sanctions against South Sudan, where the United Nations has a large peacekeeping force that is protecting some 75,000 civilians at its bases. He declined to comment on sanctions but urged all sides to stop fighting.

Largely Christian South Sudan gained independence from predominantly Muslim Sudan in 2011 after a referendum was held in keeping with a 2005 U.S.-backed peace deal that ended a north-south civil war that left millions dead.

EXPERTS FAVOR U.S. SANCTIONS

Kate Almquist Knopf of the Africa Centre for Strategic Studies at the National Defence University said on Thursday that Washington should consider targeted sanctions if the fighting and political deadlock in South Sudan continue.

"The United States should move to invoke the president's authorities to institute travel bans and asset freezes on senior leadership on both sides, as well as be prepared to extend those sanctions multilaterally to a resolution in the U.N. Security Council," she told a Senate Foreign Relations Committee hearing.

John Prendergast, a former U.S. State Department official and co-founder of the Enough Project, an anti-genocide group, told the same hearing that Washington should also target those in South Sudan who are linked to mass killings.

He said Washington "should focus on individual culpability - the targeted sanctions, prosecution of people who are found to be ... committing or planning atrocities."

In a statement on Thursday the White House urged both sides in the escalating conflict to sign an agreement to cease hostilities immediately.

On Wednesday, South Sudanese rebels rejected a government plan to end a dispute over detainees and unblock peace talks. Fighting in the oil-producing nation has killed at least 1,000 people and caused hundreds of thousands to flee their homes, according to the United Nations.

South Sudanese President Salva Kiir, in turn, has refused to release 11 detainees despite promising Washington last month that he would free most of them.

U.S. President Barack Obama's National Security Adviser Susan Rice said in the White House statement that the United States was disappointed the detainees have not been freed yet but noted that their continued detention was no excuse to continue fighting.

"The United States reiterates its call upon President Salva Kiir to release the detainees immediately to the custody of (the East African trading bloc) IGAD so that they can participate in the political negotiations," Rice said.

U.N. chief Ban echoed Rice's comments, saying he urged Kiir in a telephone call on Thursday to release all political detainees. The U.N. Security Council also urged Kiir to release the detainees and called on Machar to "agree to a cessation of hostilities without precondition."

U.S. government officials and senators said on Thursday that hundreds of millions of dollars in support to South Sudan's government could be stopped if the violence continues.

In 2012 the United States joined the other 14 members of the U.N. Security Council in threatening sanctions against Sudan and South Sudan due to a crisis over the disputed oil region Heglig, though council diplomats said Washington was reluctant at the time to back measures that would undermine Kiir's government.

U.S. officials said Washington was satisfied then that the mere threat of U.S. support for sanctions was sufficient. The Heglig crisis was eventually resolved.

(Additional reporting by Patricia Zengerle in Washington; Editing by James Dalgleish and David Gregorio)



http://uk.reuters.com/article/2014/0...A0910420140110
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Old 11-Jan-14, 01:42   #46
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Sudan Tribune Friday 10 January 2014



US official dismisses alleged failed ‘coup’ in South Sudan


January 9, 2014 (WASHINGTON) – A political rift within South Sudan’s governing Sudan Peoples Liberation Movement (SPLM) and not a failed coup attempt as government claims caused the widespread violence that hit the country in mid-December, a United States official said on Thursday.


Linda Thomas-Greenfield, the assistant secretary of state for African affairs(channelstv)

“We’ve not seen any evidence that this was a coup attempt, but it certainly was the result of a huge political rift between Riek Machar and the president,” Linda Thomas-Greenfield, the assistant secretary of state for African affairs told the Senate Foreign Relations Committee hearing on South Sudan crisis.

We think that they should resolve this through political talks and negotiations, not war, she added.

The US official’s remarks could overshadow South Sudan leader Salva Kiir’s earlier claims implicating his former deputy Riek Machar in alleged coup attempt. Machar denied the accusation, saying it was the regime’s tactic to suppress party opposition.

The violence, which started in the capital, Juba later spread to the key town of the country, with the United Nation estimating more than 1,000 people killed and nearly 200,000 displaced.

Since then, however, the US and other international community have sought diplomatic efforts seeking an end to what has now been described as the worst-ever conflict in South Sudan’s post-secession era.

“We have galvanized support to end hostilities and open a broader dialogue between the two sides; called for accountability for atrocities; sought to secure the release of political detainees now being held in Juba”, Greenfield said.

The official, in her statement, also called on the warring parties in the conflict to cease all forms of hostilities, stressing that “this crisis will not be solved on the battlefield”.

She further expressed concerns the continued detention of political prisoners arrested in connection with the violence in Juba, saying they “must” be released to enhance the ongoing negotiations in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia.

Direct talks between South Sudan’s warring parties are currently underway in Addis Ababa under the mediation of regional leaders from the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD).

“These negotiations offer the best hope for South Sudan and the region. An agreement to end hostilities will provide much needed time and space for dialogue to begin on the core political and governance issues that are at the root of this crisis”, stressed the US assistant secretary for state for African affairs.

INSTITUTIONAL WEAKNESS?

Princeton Lyman, the ex-US envoy to the two Sudan’s largely attributed the current crisis in the new nation to the weaknesses within the country’s political institutions.

He described the SPLM, which he likened to South Africa’s ruling African National Congress (ANC), as a liberation army with no political structures.

"The weakness of political institutions, the overlap of party and government, and party and army, all contributed to the inability of the SPLM as a party to resolve these growing developments", said Lyman, now a senior advisor to the US Institute of Peace President.

(ST)


http://www.sudantribune.com/spip.php?article49510
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Old 11-Jan-14, 07:15   #47
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Quote:
Originally Posted by هرقل View Post
السلام عليكم للمرة الاخير قبل ان يتغير الموقف

كاسترو حي يرزق


اتفضل يا تان تان
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أنا شايف من أمس
بس تقديري وإحترامي ل سلطان وخوفي من زعلو
جعلني أربا من هكذا فعل


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غايتو ما تنفعك
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Old 11-Jan-14, 19:27   #48
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10 January 2014 Last updated at 11:38 ET

South Sudan: Nyaba tells of Juba 'house arrest'


"It's like house arrest," said Peter Adwok Nyaba, as he ushered me into his smart two-storey home on a dusty track on the edge of South Sudan's capital, Juba.

In a ramshackle city that appears fairly calm and busy right now, Mr Nyaba presents a vivid picture of the political intrigue and tensions that still lurk beneath the surface.

“Start QuoteThe SPLM has always been a military organisation. No discussion, no debate”
End Quote Peter Adwok Nyaba SPLM politician

"I was arrested on Christmas day," said the former minister of higher education, who lost one leg to a bullet in 1989 during Sudan's long civil war.

He was suspected of being part of the alleged coup plot, which President Salva Kiir insists was the trigger for South Sudan's current crisis.

"There was no coup attempt," said Mr Nyaba, insisting it was "a cover story" concocted by President Kiir to give him an excuse to round his political adversaries.

"Now they are caught up in a lie they can't defend," he said.

This is provocative, perhaps even dangerous, talk in a city where 11 prominent political figures from a faction of the governing SPLM party remain in custody.

Mr Nyaba was released after two days and later briefly detained at the airport when he tried to board a flight out of the country. His passport has been confiscated.

Will the South Sudanese government feel tempted to intensify its military campaign after re-taking Bentiu?
While I was visiting him, two European Union diplomats arrived to check on his safety.

“Start Quote If this carries on it will drag in others who are not satisfied with the system - so it becomes a wider war of all against all”
End Quote Peter Adwok Nyaba SPLM politician

There had been shooting in the neighbourhood a few nights earlier, reportedly when security forces attempted to arrest a prominent general allegedly linked to the "coup".

Mr Nyaba has been an outspoken critic of his own SPLM party for some time: He says it failed to transform following the end of the long war with the north, and South Sudan's independence.

"The SPLM has always been a military organisation. No discussion, no debate… You have to obey orders. But after the war, it must adopt democratic means of resolving things," he said.

"This was not the case. That is why the president was unable to think of any other way apart from the military for resolving things - just as a soldier."

'Ceasefire essential'

The fate of the 11 detainees in Juba has become a sticking point in peace negotiations, with the rebels demanding their immediate release.

However Mr Nyaba and other sources in Juba have confirmed that the detainees themselves want a ceasefire to be agreed without preconditions.

President Salva Kiir believes the current crisis was triggered by a coup plot
Mr Nyaba said that an immediate ceasefire was essential.

"It's a political issue that needs to be resolved, and then the ethnic dimension will disappear," he said, referring to the growing conflict between South Sudan's biggest ethnic groups, the Nuer and the Dinka.

But what if the government, encouraged by its military success in capturing the key oil town of Bentiu, now feels tempted to intensify its campaign rather than seek a negotiated settlement?

Mr Nyaba said he feared South Sudan could collapse into total anarchy.

"It is a real risk, especially if the government insists on defeating the forces of [rebel leader] Riek [Machar]," he said.

"If this carries on it will drag in others who are not satisfied with the system - so it becomes a wider war of all against all."

Article written by Andrew Harding



http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-africa-25687502
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Old 11-Jan-14, 19:46   #49
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11 January 2014 Last updated at 04:08 ET

S Sudan conflict: UN calls on government to free prisoners

The UN Security Council has urged South Sudan President Salva Kiir to release political prisoners to help bring an end to the bitter conflict there.

Rebel leader, Riek Machar, wants 11 people freed before agreeing to peace.

Mr Machar's forces appear on the back foot after losing the town of Bentiu to government forces on Friday.

The government says it is mobilising thousands of troops to retake Bor - the last major town controlled by Mr Machar's forces.

Mr Machar, a sacked vice-president, has expressed determination to hold on to the town, the capital of Jonglei state, some 200 km (125 miles) north of the capital, Juba.

Speaking to the AFP news agency by phone, he sought to explain the loss of Bentiu, capital of the oil-rich Unity State.

"It was to avoid fighting in the streets and save civilian lives," he said.

Army spokesman Philip Aguer said that fighters on both sides had been killed.

Ahead of the government advance, thousands of people fled Bentiu, while several thousand sought refuge in a UN base in the town.

Peace efforts

The 15-nation UN Security Council statement on prisoners was made in the hope of kick starting peace talks between representatives of the two sides in Ethiopia.

But Mr Kiir has insisted that the 11 jailed must face the force of the law.

The UN statement called for a ceasefire and wider peace talks. The Security Council also "strongly discouraged external intervention that would exacerbate the military and political tensions" - seen as a referring to Uganda, which has been sending troops and attack helicopters to bolster government forces.

The peace talks, in a luxury hotel in Addis Ababa, are aimed at an immediate cessation of hostilities, but little progress has been reported.


http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-africa-25694897

.................................




جنوب السودان :مجلس الأمن يدعو لإطلاق السجناء السياسيين
آخر تحديث: السبت، 11 يناير/ كانون الثاني، 2014، 10:47 GMT


دعا مجلس الأمن الدولي رئيس جنوب السودان سالفا كير ميارديت إلى الإفراج عن السجناء السياسيين لدعم الجهود الرامية لإنهاء الصراع الدائر في البلاد.

وطالب نائب رئيس جنوب السودان السابق وزعيم المتمردين ريك ماشار الحكومة في جوبا بالإفراج الفوري عن 11 شخصا قبل الموافقة على اتفاق سلام مع الحكومة.ء

وتراجع الموقف العسكري لقوات ماشار الجمعة بعدما فقدوا السيطرة على مدينة بينتيو.ء

وكان ناطق باسم جيش حكومة جنوب السودان قد اعلن أن القوات الحكومية تمكنت من استعادة السيطرة على مدينة بنتيو عاصمة ولاية الوحدة الغنية بالنفط، من أيدي المتمردين.ء

وفي وقت لاحق، اعترف ماشار بأن قواته فقدت سيطرتها على بنتيو، ولكنه تعهد بمواصلة القتال ضد القوات الحكومية.ء

ونقلت وكالة فرانس برس عن ماشار قوله "لقد انسحبنا من بنتيو لتجنب القتال في شوارعها وحقنا لدماء المدنيين، ولكننا سنواصل القتال وسنستمر في المعركة."ء

وكان الجيش الحكومي قد طلب في وقت سابق من المدنيين مغادرة بنتيو، قائلا إنه على وشك استعادة المدينة.ء

كما أكدت الحكومة أنها بصدد اعادة نشر آلاف من الجنود لاستعادة مدينة بور أخر مدينة رئيسية تسيطر عليها قوات ماشار.ء

ويقول هيرفي لادسوس، رئيس إدارة حفظ السلام في الأمم المتحدة، إن الصراع في جنوب السودان أدى إلى مقتل ما يصل إلى 1000 شخص منذ الخامس عشر من الشهر الماضي.ء

جهود السلام

يواجه المدنيون معاناة كبيرة منذ تفجر الصراع منتصف الشهر الماضي.ء

ولجأ آلاف من المدنيين إلى قاعدة للأمم المتحدة، في ضواحي بنتيو، قبيل وصول القوات الحكومية.ء

وأفادت تقارير بأن عدد اللاجئين بلغ نحو 80 ألف شخص منذ بدء الصراع.ء

وتعثرت المباحثات التي جرت بوساطة إقليمية بهدف الاتفاق على وقف إطلاق النار.ء

وكان الصراع قد تفجر بعد أن اتهم سيلفا كير ميارديت، رئيس جنوب السودان نائبه أنذاك ريك ماشار بالتخطيط للانقلاب على حكمه، وهي تهمة ينفيها ماشار بشدة.ء

ويحظى ماشار بمساندة خليط من الميليشيات العرقية ومنشقين عن جيش جنوب السودان.ء

وينتمي كير إلى قبيلة الدينكا وهي أكبر قبيلة في جنوب السودان بينما ينتمي مشار إلى قبيلة النوير التي تشكو مما تقول إنه هيمنة الدينكا على مقاليد الأمور كما جرت بينهما معارك في السابق.ء


http://www.bbc.co.uk/arabic/worldnew...sudan_un.shtml
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Old 11-Jan-14, 20:52   #50
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we hope piece for all of Sudan South and North , from Nimoly to Halafa
for ever
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ويستدرك ابن خلدون: قد يحصل أن الدولة تأخذ بمظاهر القوة والبطش لكنها أفاقة / قريبة الخمود أشبه بالسراج عند انتهاء الزيت منه فإنه يتوهج لكن سرعان ما ينطفئ..
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