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Old 12-Jan-14, 23:32   #51
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Sudan Tribune

E. African regional mediators meet rebel leader in S. Sudan

January 11, 2014 (JUBA/ADDIS ABABA) – Regional mediators from the East African regional bloc, the Inter-Governmental Authority on Development (IGAD) arrived in South Sudan on Saturday after ongoing peace talks in the Ethiopian capital stalled.


United States special envoy to Sudans Donald Booth (not shown) together with IGAD’s mediators Ethiopian former foreign minister Seyoum Mesfin (L), Sudanese General Mohammed Ahmed Moustafa El Dabi (R) at an undisclosed location in South Sudan to meet former VP Riek Machar January 11, 2014 (Photo: Handout by Machar negotiators)

The peace talks between representatives of President Salva Kiir former vice president-turned rebel, Riek Machar, were suspended after disagreements over the sensitive issue of political prisoners.

Negotiators on rebel side have insisted on the release of the presumably pro-Machar political figures before signing any peace agreement thus dashing regional and international hopes of reaching a speedy ceasefire pact.

Rebels said they won’t sign truce that doesn’t ensure the release of the 11 political figures that remain detained in connection with an alleged coup attempt in mid-December, a demand once again rejected by government delegations.

Those held by South Sudan government include

Deng Alor, former minister of cabinet affairs
Pagan Amum, former SPLM secretary general
Cirino Iteng, former minister of culture
Madut Biar Yel, former minister for telecommunication and postal services
Oyai Deng Ajak, former minister for national security in the office of the president
Majak D’ Agoot, former deputy minister of defence
Chol Tong Magay, former governor of Lakes state
Ezekiel Gatkuoth Lul, former ambassador to the United States
John Luk Jok, former justice minister
Kosti Manibe, former minister of finance
Gier Chuang Aluong, former minister of roads and bridges

South Sudan government representatives, including the country’s information minister told journalists in Addis Ababa that the detainees are perpetrators of a coup and their case should be handled by domestic courts and in accordance to the laws of the land.

“President Kiir will not order the release of the political prisoners. If he did so it will be an act contrary to constitution of the country,” a South Sudan government representative who asked anonymity told Sudan Tribune.

A United States on Friday said it saw no evidence of an attempted coup.

“We have not seen any evidence of a coup attempt,” Linda Thomas-Greenfield, assistant secretary of state for African affairs, told the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. The violence was “an armed rebellion” against the government, she added.

After peace talks were delayed, mediators led by Ethiopian former foreign minister Seyoum Mesfin on Saturday left for South Sudan to meet and convince Machar to sign a truce to end weeks of violence that has hit the world’s newest nation.

Rebel negotiators here in Addis Ababa are not optimistic that IGAD mediators would return from South Sudan with a fruitful outcome.

“They [mediators] will return with a complete dismissal” Gérard Prunnier, a scholar who is close to rebel negotiators team, told Sudan Tribune.

When asked when talks would resume Prunnier said he doesn’t think the two sides would return for face to face talks further accusing the international community of “bias”

He said the international community is taking side of Juba after government army made important military gains on the ground particularly after retaking Unity state capital of Bentiu.

“The international community is saying Machar is defeated and he has to surrender” said Prunnier.

The United Nations Security Council (UNSC) has urged South Sudan government to release political prisoners so as ceasefire deal is facilitated.

Analysts say South Sudan could face sanctions if the two warring sides fail to seal a peace deal but the government in Juba argues any possible sanctions imposed on the country would be considered as a move of cooperation with rebels.

Fighting in South Sudan which erupted in mid-December has left an estimated 1,500 people killed and forced about 200,000 flee their home.

(ST)



http://www.sudantribune.com/spip.php?article49532
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Old 13-Jan-14, 17:12   #52
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سودانايل الأحد, 12 كانون2/يناير 2014 17:14

التيار التصفوي فى الحركة الشعبية

بقلم: تيج دادوت

إندلعت في عام 1983 , ثورة شعبية, وتاسست الحركة الشعبية و الجيش الشعبى لتحرير السودان التي طرحت مشروع السودان الجديد على ضؤها تتم هدم السودان القديم وإعادة بناء السودان على اساس إشتراكى مسترشدآ بالفلسفة الماركسية اللينينية و حل مشكلة هوية السودان على اسا س الهوية السودانوية وفق التنوع التاريخى والتنوع المعاصر, حيث تعدد الاعراق والاديان. حررت الجيش الشعبى معظم اراضى جنوب السودان وتبقى مدن كبرى(جوبا, ملكال, واو). كما تم تحرير ثلث جبال النوبة وجبال الانقسنا فى الفونج (النيل الازرق). فى1991 حصل إنشقاق داخل الحركة الشعبية إذ قاد كل من دكتور رياك مشار و لأم اكول اجاوين إنقلأبآ ضد قائد الثورة دكتور جون قرنق دى ميبيور وكان إنقلاب الدكتوريين اول صراع على السلطة داخل الحركة الشعبية وإستخدم قادة الانقلاب الغطاء القبلى بغرض التاييد , ضف إلى ذلك تم تشجيعهم وإستخدامهم من قبل الغرب, الدول الراسمالية لضرب التوجه الاشتراكى للحركة الشعبية. فشل الانقلاب الرجعى وارتمى قادتها فى احضان الحركة الاسلامية عن طريق توقيع و إبرام إتفاقية الخرطوم للسلام وفشودة وإتفاقيات الاخرى عام 1998 وشنوا حرب شرسة جنبآ الى حنب مع الموتمر الوطنى ضد الحركة الشعبية والجيش الشعبى لتحرير السودان مما الحق خسائر فادحة فى ارواح والمد الثورى للحركة. ان إنقلاب 1991 هو اول محاولة لتصفية الحركة الشعبية فكريآ وقياديآ فى شخصية دكتور جون قرنق , تصدى الحركة على التيار التصفوى بكل ما عندها وهزمهم ميدانيآ ودوليآ, وفى عام 1994 عقدت الحركة موتمرها الاول فى مدينة شقدوم شرق الاستوائية (حاليآ مقاطعة بودى) وتم تكوين السلطة المدنية لسودان الجديد 1994 وتم إنتخاب مجلس التحرير الوطنى.فى عام 2003 اعلن قادة مجموعة ناصر إنضمامهم للحركة مرة اخرى بعد ان إغتال الحركة الاسلامية بعض من ضباطهم وفشل النظام فى تنفيذ ما يسمى باتفاقية الخرطوم للسلام.هذا الانضمام مشهور باعلان نيروبي.ء

فى عام 2004 حدث خلاف تشبه إلى حد ما إنشقاق وانقلاب اخر داخل الحركة الشعبية بقيادة سلفا كير ميارديت إى ان جناح توريت,الجناح الاصل إنقسم إلى مجموعة ياى ونيوسايت,إستخدم مجموعة ياى بقيادة سلفا كير النزعة العشائرية والاقليمية فى برنامجه وكان على إتصال دائم وعلاقه بمجموعة لندن وفى نفس الوقت كان مجموعة لندن على إتصال مباشر مع الخرطوم فى مسائل الدعم والتنسيق من اجل الاطاحة بدكتور جون قرنق(انظر كتاب دكتور بيتر ادواك نيابا,جنوب السودان:الدولة التى نطمح به).
تم المصالحة بين المجموعتين فى رمبيك فى نفس العام. ان محاولة ياي هى المحاولة الثانية لتصفية الحركة الشعبية. بعد توقيع اتفاقية السلام الشامل عام 2005 بين الحركة الشعبية والموتمر الوطنى,تم إغتيال دكتور جون قرنق فى حادثة مروحية فى نيوسايت (محافظة كبويتا شرق). بعد هذا الرحيل المفاجئى والغير متوقع وقع الاختيار على سلفا كير ميارديت خلفآ لدكتور قرنق.بعد ذلك حصل عقد زواج كاثوليكى بين مجموعة ياى ومجموعة ناصر,ودار نقاش وحوارات بينهم واتفقوا جميعآ بان مشروع السودان الجديد والحركة الشعبية دفن مع دكتور قرنق وعلى إى مجموعة تكوين حزبها على غرار ما تم فى إتفاقية اديس اباباعام1972 وفى الحقيقة بعد إستعياب قوات حركة تحرير جنوب السودان فى الجيش السودانى وقوات النظامية الاخرى فى حكومة جعفر نميرى توزعت كوادرها السياسية بين الحزبين الجنوبيين,حزب سانو وحزب جبهة الجنوب , لكن تم مقاومة هذا الاتجاه من قبل القادة الذين كانوا قريبين جدآ من جون قرنق وفى نهاية فطن المجموعتين بان تصفية الحركة الشعبية مبكرآ يعنى تصفية انفسهم ايضآ فى الخارطة السياسية فى السودان وجنوب السودان بصفة خاصة , وبالتالى رجعوا الى معتقداتهم الاصلية وهى الطائفية الاقليمية والقبلية والعشائرية ( علويين وتكريتيين إفريقيا) لتصفية الحركة من الوجود. ووفقآ لتلك الايدلوجية تم تكوين اول حكومة على ذلك الاساس ,سواء على مستوى حكومة الجنوب او الحكومة الاتحادية فى الخرطوم.ء

فى عام 2006 ,سبتمبر إجتمع القيادة العليا للحركة فى مدينة ياي وتمخضت هذا الاجتماع بتكوين مكتب سياسي إنتقالي و مجلس التحرير الوطني الانتقالي للحركة وفي عام 2008 عقدت الحركة الشعبية موتمرها الثاني في جوبا وتم إنتخاب الرئيس ونوابه وامينها العام,وإنتخاب مجلس التحرير الوطني وتكوين المكتب السياسي, بعد الموتمر تم إعادة التشكيل الوزاري في حكومة الجنوب وحكومة الاتحادية من قبل المكتب السياسي وهزا هو اول واخر حكومة تشكله المكتب السياسي للحركة الشعبية,اما حكومات الاحقة سوا قبل الاستقلال او بعده فقد تم تشكيلها وفق المنهج القديم.ء

إنتهت الزواج الكاثوليكي بين المجموعتين بالطلاق بائن بينونة كبرى عندما أبدى دكتور رياك مشار تنج رغبته في الترشح لرئاسة الحركة ثم لرئاسة الجمهورية2015 وتم إعفاءه من منصبه كنائب لرئيس الجمهورية, هكذا هو النظام الطائفية القبلية والاقليمية إنه نظام أبوي بطريكي واي إبن يخرج عن طاعة الاب فمصيره هو الطرد من العائلة والبيت لتكون درسآ لبقية الاخوة والاخوات.بعد هذا المفاصلة إنفرد مجموعة ياي بالسلطة وإستخدم سياسة فرق تسد,فرق لتستغل(أدوات المستعمر القديم).ء

ولكي تتم تصفية الحركة الشعبية سياسيآ ومحوها من الوجود, شجع علويين وتكريتيين إفريقيا على تكوين مجتمعات قبلية وعشائرية وإقليمية ,وتم تسجيل معظم هذه المكونات في وزارة العدل لتجد الصفة القانونية واصبحت هذه الاجسام البوابة ونافذة الوحيدة لاختيار الوزراء في حكومة قومية او ولائية وبهذ النهج تم تصفية الحركة الشعبية ومشروع السودان الجديد وذبح كما تذبح النعاج وهي تبتسم إلى سكين الجزار ولأتدري ماذا تفعل ؟ ذبحت الثورة وتم تقديمها قربانآ وكبش فداء للعصبيات والجهل والتخلف.ء


http://www.sudanile.com/index.php/20...01-12-16-15-01
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Old 13-Jan-14, 19:10   #53
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الحياة الإثنين ١٣ يناير ٢٠١٤


جنوب السودان: جذر الأزمة

حيدر إبراهيم علي *


استهل الكاتب الفرنسي رينيه ديمون كتابه «بداية خاطئة في أفريقيا»، والذي صدرت نسخته الإنكليزية عام 1966، بنفي اللعنة عن أفريقيا. لكن طوال الكتاب كان يريد أن يؤكد أن لعنة أفريقيا هي في نخبتها والتي تقوم بدور الاستعمار الذي أجلته بطرق ومضامين مختلفة.ء

تذكرت الكتاب، عندما كان التلفزيون يعرض أعضاء وفدي سيلفا كير ومشار في فندق المفاوضات الفخم بأديس أبابا، وهم يتبسمون أمام الكاميرات، ببدلاتهم الكاملة والكرافتات الحمراء، ثم يتحول المشهد إلى مواطنيهم في معسكرات الأمم المتحدة وتحت الأشجار فيما الأطفال يصرخون من الألم والجوع. وتحمل هذه المقارنة دلالات ورمزية عميقة تفصح عن حقيقة الواقع وعلاقة النخبة الجنوبية بشعبها. لذلك لا بد من العودة إلى جذر الأزمة الجنوبية، إذ لم يعد من الممكن التمسك بالاختزالية التي اختصرت الصراع في أبعاد إثنية بين العرب-المسلمين وبين أفارقة غير مسلمين، وتهمل ما هو طبقي-سياسي.ء

ففي هذه الحرب نحن أمام جنوبيين يقتلون جنوبيين آخرين، وقد يكونون من القبيلة نفسها، بشراسة ووحشية تفوق كثيراً ما فعله بهم «العرب» في الماضي. وهذا أيضاً ليس صراعاً قبلياً صرفاً: فالدينكا مثلاً موجودون في الجانبين. ويظل السؤال عن سبب الصراع، وما هي القضية المحورية التي أوصلت الطرفين إلى حد استعمال كل أنواع الأسلحة الفتاكة؟ وما هو الخلاف الأيديولوجي العميق الذي أجبر كير ومشار على اللجوء للسلاح لحسمه؟

ظلت النخبة الجنوبية مثل رصيفتها الشمالية، فهي تعلمت منها بل اعتبرتها مثلـــها الأعلى. لقد ظلــت في حالة اغتراب عن شعبها وعجزت عن إحداث تغيير حقيقي عميق ومستدام في حياته منذ الاستقلال. إذ لم يحاول السودانيون، شماليين وجنوبيين، منذ 1956، أي بعد خــروج البريطانيين، إنجاز مهام ما بعد الاستقلال. وهذا يعني بناء دولة وطنية حديثة تحقق الوحدة الوطنية، والتنمية المستقلة والعادلة. فالسودانيون بعد 58 عاماً من الاستقلال يتحدثون عن قبائل الدينكا والنوير والشلك أو المسيرية والسلامات والرزيقات. وهذا يعني العجز الكامل عن تحويل أفراد القبائل إلى مواطنين سودانيين، يعرّف الواحد منهم نفسه بأنه سوداني.ء

بل تدهورت الهوية الوطنية مع الاستعادة المقصودة للقبلية باعتبارها البديل الفعّال عن الأحزاب والولاءات الحديثة. فمن الملاحظ أن عملية الاندماج القومي لم تكن من أولويات النخب السياسية السودانية بشقيها. فقد انشغل الجميع بمفهوم تجريدي غامض يُسمى «الهوية» وتشاجروا حول: هل نحن عرب أم أفارقة أم خلاسيون، وأهملوا قضية كيف نكون سودانيين أولاً. وتبدو المفارقة الكبرى في مسألة تعايش النخب، على رغم تعليمها، مع مؤسسة القبيلة. فالواقع هو أنه، مع التخلف والركود الاجتماعي، بقيت القبيلة الموقع الآمن الوحيد اجتماعياً الذي يلجأ إليه الفرد السوداني، كما أنها مصدر النفوذ السياسي بسبب النظام الانتخابي القائم على الدوائر الجغرافية/القبلية، والشيء نفسه يصح في حالة العمل المسلح.ء

كان الفشل التاريخي الثاني، وهو من شروط الاندماج القومي، العجز التنموي. فقد بقي الجنوب قريباً من المستوى الذي وجده عليه الإنكليز قبل أكثر من قرن. ولنترك فترات الحكم الجماعي للسودان، ونركز على فترات حكم الجنوبيين بأنفسهم للجنوب، أي ما بين اتفاقية أديس أبابا عام 1972 وعام 1983، ثم الفترة الانتقالية من 2005 حتى 2011، ثم فترة الانفصال الراهنة. فأين هي المشروعات التنموية التي أُنجزت لضمان استقرار القبائل وتغيير نمط حياتها؟

وهذه القبائل تحتاج إلى الطرق المعبدة والمدارس وتوفير المياه النقية والسكن اللائق. فهل فكرت النخبة الجنوبية التي ناضلت من أجل هذا الانفصال في مشروعات لاستقرار الرحّل، وفي تحويل الثروة الحيوانية إلى مصانع إنتاج لحوم وألبان من خلال تغيير العادات والتقاليد؟ وهل فكرت في إحياء مشروعات مثل نسيج «أنزارا» الذي أنشأه الإنكليز عام 1945، والاستفادة من الغابات وأخشابها التي تضاهي أخشاب فنلندا؟ ومن المانغو والموز والأناناس والتبغ؟

لكننا، في المقابل، شاهدنا أنواع المدرعات والعربات المصفحة التي تجوب الشوارع الترابية في مدن بور وجوبا. ويظهر أن العقل الجنوبي بقي مقاتلاً فقط وضعف فيه حس التنمية والبناء منذ زمن طويل. فقد لاحظ الكاتب الجنوبي جون قاي أنه «يبدو أن الحركة الثورية الجنوبية كانت ناجحة في تعبئة المواطنين في الوقوف خلفها، ولكن لماذا فشلت في إرساء قواعد إدارية مدنية قوية تساعد في تنمية المناطق التي كانت تحت سيطرتها؟».ء

وهذا صراع عبثي وانتهازي، وقوده، للأسف، المواطن الجنوبي. فالخلاف يدور حول الامتيازات، وشرعنة الفساد، واكتساب الجاه والمكانة، وهو داخلي يدور ضمن نفس الحزب: الحركة الشعبية. فهي تتحكم ولا تحكم الدولة الفاشلة الثانية في الجنوب، بلا فكر ولا مشروع ولا أيديولوجيا، بل تحكم، مثل جارتها الشمالية، بالقمع الأمني والترغيب المفسد. فقد سقط «المشروع الحضاري الإسلاموي» في الشمال، ومشروع «السودان الجديد» في الجنوب. وبقي في الدولتين مشروع القمع والفساد العاريين بقيادة الحزب الواحد. وفي الجنوب كانت الكارثة السياسية مضاعفة، فقد فشلت الحركة الشعبية في التحول إلى حزب ديموقراطي مدني جماهيري. ولذلك كان من الطبيعي أن تفشل في الواجب الثاني، أي إقامة نظام حكم تعددي في وطن يسع الجميع. ومن العادي في هذا الوضع الفاشل أن نسمع عن صراع الدينكا والنوير، على رغم أنه ليس الصراع الحقيقي.ء

ومن ناحية أخرى، هناك أموال طائلة مجهولة المكان: فخلال الفترة ما بين 2005 ونيسان (أبريل) 2009، كان تحت تصرف الحركة الشعبية 7,3 بليون دولار من موارد البترول، ولا توجد أية إشارة تدل على الوجهة التي صُرف فيها هذا المبلغ!ء

لقد أضاعت الحركة الشعبية فرصة تاريخية في أن تتحول إلى حزب ديموقراطي جماهيري على مستوى السودان كله وليس الجنوب فقط. وفي هـــذه الحالة كان يمكن للوحدة أن تكون جـــاذبة. فقد شهدت فترة توقيع اتفاقية السلام عام 2005 مدّاً جماهيرياً كاسحاً يتجـــه نحو الحركة الشعبية في الشمال، وقد تجلى ذلك في استقبال شعبي نادر حظي به جون قرنق ووفده. وكانت هناك أعـــــداد كبيرة أرادت تحويل هذا الشعور العـــفوي إلى ممارسة وعمل من خلال الانضمام إلى الحركة، لكنهم فوجئوا بصدٍ قوي أغلق في وجوههم الأبواب، وعمل على إبعادهم عن هذا التفكير. ومن الغريب أن هذا الموقف تبنّته قيادات شمالية في الحركة وليـــس الجنوبيون. لكن من يفهم طريقة تفكير النخبة الشمالية لن يستغرب: فقد خافت من تراجع دورها ومكانتها عندما يكثر الشماليون داخل الحركة. لقد فكرت بموجب قانون السوق، أي العـــرض والطلب، وقررت التمسك بنُدرة الشماليين على مستوى القيادة حفاظاً على «الثمن» العالي والغالي.ء

وخضعت الحركة الشعبية خلال الفترة الانتقالية لممارسات متخلفة أضرت بكل شيء بما في ذلك نتيجة الاستفتاء. ولهذا لا يزال التساؤل قائماً: هل كان الانفصال حتمياً؟ أم أنه الخيار الوحيد الممكن؟ فالحركة تخلت تماماً عن دعم التحول الديموقراطي الذي كان ركناً أساسياً في الاتفاقية، ولم تدافع عنه. ووصل الأمر إلى درجة انسحاب مرشحها من انتخابات الرئاسة لأسباب لم توضح لنا حتى الآن.ء

لقد أوصلت النخبة الجنوبية، ممثلة في الحركة الشعبية، مواطنيها إلى حافة الجـــحيم بلا أية أهداف نبيــلة وعظمى، كان الأمر مجرد أحلام عـصافير وشبـــق سلطة. فهي تراجعت عن مشروع «السودان الجديد» وحتى عن «الجنوب الجديد»، ولم تقدم لشعبها أي إنجاز يشعره بالكرامة الإنسانية والتغيير.ء

واليوم لا بد من ممارسة كل الضغوط لوقف هذه الحرب العشوائية والتي ستكون نتيجتها الهزيمة للطرفين، لأن ضحيتها الشعب الجنوبي. وعلى الحركة، بعد ذلك، أن تبدأ في الاستجابة للتحدي الكبير: الديموقراطية. وهذا يعني أن تتحول إلى حزب ديموقراطي أصيل، وأن تقبل بأن يكون الجنوب دولة ديموقراطية ومجتمعاً تعددياً حديثاً يسعى لتجاوز الانتماءات القبلية والعشائرية. فمن العار على النخبة الجنوبية أن يبقى وطنها في مطلع القرن الحادي والعشرين على هذه الحال: مجرد قبائل وأدغال ومستنقعات.ء



ء* كاتب سوداني


http://alhayat.com/OpinionsDetails/592010
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Old 13-Jan-14, 19:18   #54
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Old 14-Jan-14, 17:01   #55
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Sudan Tribune

What it takes to save South Sudan from itself


By Amir Idris

January 11, 2014 - Nelson Mandela once said, “In prison I learnt to think through my brain, not my blood.” His statement conveys two messages. It recognizes the importance of resolving political conflict through dialogue, and reconciliation, and discourages the use of violence driven by ethnicity and race to address historical and political injustices. Although South Africa and South Sudan differ in terms of history and politics, South Sudan can save itself from its demise as a viable state by embracing reconciliation and avoiding political choices shaped by conflicting ethnic identities. The task of rebuilding an inclusive nation and state in South Sudan is not only a political project but also an intellectual endeavor calling for honest and imaginative reflection on the past and the present.

A simplistic colonial thinking

The recent deadly political violence in South Sudan is a manifestation of how the postcolonial state was framed and constructed. It was a product of a specific mode of thinking – European colonial discourse – mainly defined by outdated anthropological tenants. It claimed that South Sudan is a region inhabited by array of “tribal” groups sharing nothing in common except a periodical cycle of violent attacks precipitated by competition over water and pasture. In the sense that their behaviors and responses to societal events can be explained by their blood ties. It negates the role of the individual as a conscious human being. In turn, thinking among these “tribal” groups becomes the function of blood not the brain. It does not elevate.

Much of the colonial writing on the social and political cultures of South Sudan have focused on two groups: the Dinka and the Nuer. Very few have focused on other ethnic groups. Politics, therefore, came to be seen and defined through the lenses of these two groups. The voices and the aspirations of other groups were either marginalized or completely ignored. Hence, it is inaccurate to interpret the recent political crisis as an ethnic conflict between President Salva Kiir, a Dinka, and his former Vice President, Riek Machar, a Nuer. For it assumes that the political stability can be restored if the two ethnic groups agree to share political power. It also renders the role and the participation of other ethnic and political groups as irrelevant in the current peace talks sponsored by the Inter - Governmental Authority on Development (IGAD). In reality, South Sudan is home to many, not two, ethnic groups. And, the current political crisis requires an inclusive approach which questions the relevancy of the colonial social and cultural map and considers the complexities of today’s society.

Rethinking independence

Political independence entails a search for alternatives to the discourse of the colonial era. It is not a matter of a new flag and a national anthem, but a set of new political institutions. Most importantly, it also entails the development of an intellectual project that cultivates new possibilities for identities, and citizenship. This project should be crafted into three premises: First, the ongoing conflict is neither ethnic nor cultural; it’s a political one. Second, these conflicting ethnic identities such as the Nuer and the Dinka are not static. They could become peaceful identities if the state was redefined and restructured in a way that makes the managing of and coexistence between overlapping identities possible in postcolonial South Sudan. Third, the national crisis of political violence requires a political solution, and it’s for the people of South Sudan to reinvent themselves by redefining their conflicting political identities in order to democratize the state and de-ethnicize the society.

For the people of South Sudan, the separation of South Sudan should be seen as an opportunity for charting their own destiny and building the new state on the basis of inclusive principles of citizenship and governance. The many decades of the liberation struggles, however, should not be framed mainly as a fight against the North; rather it should be interpreted more importantly as a struggle for forging a new polity that speaks the language of inclusive citizenship and equal distribution of power and wealth for all. The main challenge for the South Sudan, therefore, is how to build a new state and nation without reproducing the ills of the old Sudan.

South Sudan has yet to devise an alternative political vision and policies that address the burden of its violent history. The state has yet to address some of the fundamental challenges that determine its viability. Those challenges include the problem of inter-ethnic conflicts, lack of democratic political practices, the absence of law and order, and the weakness of national belonging, among others. The future success of people of South Sudan lies in the inclusion of all various ethnic and political constituents and their ability to reconcile their conflicting ethnic and political interests.

Justice for inclusive future

The recent atrocities committed against targeted ethnic groups in South Sudan unveil the buried memories grounded in the past and invoked in the present. The dead of South Sudan’s violent past remain present in the politics of the living. Of course, documenting and disseminating records of atrocities is vital in South Sudan. It advances broader social virtues of justice and accountability. A handful of academics, intellectuals, and politicians are currently racing to prepare a catalog of incriminating evidence of ethnic targeted killings committed by the government and the rebel groups. But they are doing so, not to defend the virtue of justice and undue the culture of impunity in South Sudan. Instead, they are doing so in the name of their ethnicities with the purpose of incriminating the another ethnic group. Indeed, justice driven by blood relations produces bitterness instead of reconciliation and healing. Recent history has taught us that pursuing criminal justice to seek revenge for past crimes in the aftermath of civil war or communal violence will not advance the goal of building an inclusive peaceful community. One of the lessons of the South African model in truth and reconciliation is that both sides of the history of violence were addressed; Afrikaner and black South Africans. Thus, both whites and blacks could be seen as victims and perpetrators, potentially paving the way for both to be treated as survivors. The cultivation of a common future for South Sudan, therefore, can be constructed only on the future, not the past.


Professor and Chair of Department of African and African American Studies at Fordham University, New York City. He can be reached at idris@fordham.edu




http://www.sudantribune.com/spip.php?article49531
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Old 16-Jan-14, 18:15   #56
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Africa

16 January 2014 Last updated at 06:41 ET

Yoweri Museveni: Uganda troops fighting South Sudan rebels

Ugandan troops are fighting alongside South Sudanese government forces against rebels, President Yoweri Museveni has confirmed.

He said the combined forces had defeated rebels in a "big battle" north of the capital Juba.

Mr Museveni said some Ugandans had been killed but did not give any details.

Several thousand people are believed to have been killed over the past month in South Sudan in the conflict between the government and the rebels.

Army spokesman Lt Col Paddy Ankunda said Uganda has about two battalions, or 1,600 soldiers, in the country.

The announcement comes as fighting continues around the cities of Bor and Malakal - government forces are moving on Bor, while the rebels are trying to seize control of Malakal.

More than 350,000 people have been displaced by the fighting and 40,000 Ugandans have been evacuated
The conflict broke out on 15 December, when President Salva Kiir accused his former deputy Riek Machar of plotting a coup - charges he denies.

The dispute has seen killings along ethnic lines - Mr Kiir is a member of the Dinka community, the country's largest, while Mr Machar is from the Nuer ethnic group.

In a summit in Angola, Mr Museveni said: "Only the other day, 13 January, the SPLA [South Sudan army] and elements of our army had a big battle with these rebel troops at a point about 90 kilometres [55 miles] from Juba, where we inflicted a big defeat on them."

"Unfortunately, many lives were lost on the side of the rebels. We also took casualties and also had some dead."

Mr Museveni questioned why, if Mr Machar had not planned a coup, forces loyal to him had gone on to seize control of cities such as Bor.

Ugandan officials have previously said that their special forces were only in South Sudan to help evacuate their nationals.

Since South Sudan became independent in 2011, thousands of Ugandans have crossed the border to work or do business.

Some 40,000 Ugandan nationals have been evacuated since the conflict broke out.

On Tuesday, Uganda's parliament approved the decision to send troops to South Sudan.


http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-africa-25759650
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Old 18-Jan-14, 21:05   #57
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Sudan Tribune

Top UN official describes “horror” of South Sudan crisis



January 17, 2014 (JUBA) – A senior United Nations official has said the situation in South Sudan had turned into a horrifying humanitarian and human rights disaster, citing mass atrocities allegedly committed by both rebels and government forces.



South Sudanese refugees wait at a border gate in Joda, in the Jableen locality in Sudan’s White Nile State, after arriving from the South Sudanese war zones of Malakal and al-Rank, January 16, 2014. (Photo Reuters/Mohamed Nureldin Abdallah)

"What I saw was a horror. Destruction and death is everywhere in Bentiu, which has now become a ghost town,” Ivan Simonovic, the UN Assistant Secretary General for Human Rights said on Friday.

"I myself saw some 15 bodies lying on a road. The extent of the looting, burning and destruction is hard to grasp for anybody who hasn’t been there”, he added.

The official, in the country to assess the human right situation, said the conflict in new nation had reached the threshold of an internal armed conflict, causing untold suffering for thousands of civilians.

“Mass atrocities have been committed by both sides”, he observed.

During his four-day visit, Simonovic said he received reports of alleged mass killings, extrajudicial killings, arbitrary detention, enforced disappearances, sexual violence, the widespread destruction of property and the use of children in the conflict.

“Thousands of people have been killed and hundreds of thousands are now displaced, with some 70,000 people seeking protection in UN camps and 30,000 in the two UN compounds in Juba alone,” he told reporters in Juba.

Simonovic also visited Bentiu, the Unity state capital and the rebel-held town of Bor, where violence has displaced tens of thousands of the South Sudanese population in less than five weeks.

“All civilians have fled the city which was a ghost town. I spoke to the leader of the anti-government forces, Peter Gadet, to remind him of his and his forces’ obligations to protect civilians”, he said.

PROBE INTO RIGHTS VIOLATIONS

In Juba, the Assistant Secretary-General he received allegations of a mass atrocity at a police station in the Gudele neighbourhood of the city where large numbers of civilians were reportedly rounded up, taken to a building and killed because of their ethnicity.

“We are continuing our investigation into this very serious incident,” Šimonovi? said.

The senior UN official, however, stressed the importance of accountability, saying and independent and impartial fact-finding commission be established “without delay”.

“Those who committed these terrible crimes, who ordered them or those who did nothing to prevent them while they were in a position to do so, all these people should be held accountable without delay,” Simonovic said.

Violence erupted in the country’s capital, Juba in mid-December last year and spread to other parts of the country along ethnic fault lines with over 1,000 killed and more than 400,000 displaced, according to UN figures.

(ST).


http://www.sudantribune.com/spip.php?article49621
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Old 23-Jan-14, 20:07   #58
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Africa


23 January 2014 Last updated at 14:24 ET

South Sudan rivals sign ceasefire agreement

South Sudan's government and rebels have signed a ceasefire agreement after talks in Ethiopia.

Under the deal, signed in a hotel in the Ethiopian capital Addis Ababa, the fighting is due to come to an end within 24 hours.

In the past week, government forces have recaptured the two main cities under rebel control.

More than 500,000 people have been forced from their homes during the month-long conflict.


"These two agreements are the ingredients to create an environment for achieving a total peace in my country," said Taban Deng, head of the rebel delegation, AFP reports.

However, the South Sudanese government has expressed scepticism over whether the opposition will be able to control all the militias involved in fighting, the BBC's Anne Soy reports.

Effective monitoring of the truce will be vital once it begins, as tension between the two sides is very high, South Sudan analyst James Copnall says.

The talks have now been adjourned and are due to continue on 7 February.

What started out as a political dispute between President Salva Kiir and his former deputy Riek Machar on 15 December escalated into full-scale conflict, with reports of ethnic killings.

A ceremony to mark the signing of the agreement on the "cessation of hostilities and the question of the detainees" took place at the hotel where the talks were hosted.

The agreement is thought to address the issue of 11 detainees whom the rebels wanted freed, and whose fate had previously left the talks deadlocked.

The detainees - allies of Mr Machar and prominent political figures from a faction of the governing SPLM party - were taken into custody when Mr Kiir first made the allegations of an attempted coup - which Mr Machar denies.

The South Sudanese government had earlier said on its Twitter feed that it envisaged an amnesty for the detainees but only after their cases had been heard in court.

Another key rebel demand was for Ugandan troops fighting alongside the government forces to be withdrawn.

The question of Uganda's role was not raised during the signing ceremony but members of the rebel delegation said that they would bring up the issue again during the second round of talks, journalist Matthew Newsome told the BBC from Addis Ababa.

Last week, the UN human rights chief said both government soldiers and rebels had committed atrocities in South Sudan, one of the world's poorest countries.

More than 70,000 civilians are seeking shelter at UN bases across South Sudan and the UN estimates that considerably more than 1,000 have been killed.

Following the outbreak of hostilities, it was agreed to boost the UN force and an extra 5,500 peacekeepers are being deployed to South Sudan, to bring its strength up to 12,500.





http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-africa-25864164
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Old 25-Jan-14, 00:58   #59
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Kiir Mayardit: The Persona of the Made Mad Man


"In all fairness, Kiir, the veteran of national liberation struggle and the only surviving founding leader of the SPLM/A deserves better, but Kiir, the political leader... groomed into dictatorship by his sycophantic surrounding has been a political disaster..."

20 January 2014



By Stephen Par Kuol

The leadership theorists in academia have been grappling with the question as to whether a leader is made or born, but not much has been academically debated on the question as to whether a dictator is made or born. In my book, a dictator is made and you can make one. This is hypothesis based on my own practical experience watching Kiir being made by some of our comrades who are still languishing in his brutal jails at the time of this writing. What goes around comes around!

Dully made at the time when South Sudanese were preoccupied with transitional issues such as preparation for referendum and statehood, Kiir enjoyed the benefit of the doubt and seized more autocratic control of the state in the making. The circumstantial Joshua then got intoxicated with political powers beyond his intellectual faculties. In no time, he discovered some false wings on his shoulders to soar and became the Kiir he is today.

In all fairness, Kiir, the veteran of national liberation struggle and the only surviving founding leader of the SPLM/A deserves better, but Kiir, the political leader made by tragic circumstance of Dr. John’s demise and groomed into dictatorship by his sycophantic surrounding has been a political disaster, to say the very least.

Cognizant of his humble background as a middle school droppe out and war made politician without conventional political credentials and charisma, Kiir gave it his best to emerge on the post- war political scene as an agent of peace and reconciliation, politically inclusive, a democratic leader governing through a web of consultants and experts. Beside some faceless consultants at home and abroad, behind the throne (in the kitchen) were also some self-made political counselors and sycophants. In a political environment like ours, dictators are always made by sycophants and we have too many of them in South Sudan.

Naturally, sycophants are self-serving servile flatterers and are often slavishly submissive to the dictators they want to build. Psychologically and socially, the dictator and sycophant need each other. For one thing, the dictator is completely dependent on the Sycophants to feed his sick ego, to feel important and powerful. The sycophant on the other hand is also dependent on the dictator who gives the sycophant social standing he/she otherwise would not have attained. In sum, the relationship is symbiotic.

That was how Kiir made the people who in turn made him. Countless songs were sung to his ego rallying the masses of people of South Sudan behind him to cross that stormy river to the promised land through the referendum which gave them political sovereignty and independence on July 9, 2011. In return, General Kiir promised the people of South Sudan heaven on earth: freedom, democracy, human right, multi-party system, equality, economic prosperity, zero tolerance to corruption, you name it!

Having drowned in deep sea of political oppression and poverty for decades, the people of South Sudan held tight to a 'snake' hoping that it could take them afloat throughout the transitional period. Unfortunately, by default, a narcissist dictator has been produced out of this war made political mediocre.

The question that must be asked then is: "When did Kiir take on his megalomaniacal persona and became the dictator he is today?" The other relevant questions are: what is the dictator and when does a dictator becomes a dictator?"

Dictators, like all human beings, go through stages of moral or immoral development. At some point in their lives, they were not known as the tyrants they came to be. In Kiir’s scenario, his true self came out when he began ruling by presidential decrees. The year 2013 will go down in the history of South Sudan as a Year of Rule by Presidential Decrees. Our seasoned young journalists like Rejoice Sampson of SSTV were mechanically programmed to excel in pronouncing: “I General Salva Kiir Mayardit decree removal of so and so and appointment of so and so”.

Under the legal and political counsel of his soul mate, Mr.Tilar Deng, Kiir unleashed a reign of unforgettable political terror in the nascent state. In what seemed to be selective exercise of his constitutional authority, Kiir unconstitutionally dismissed elected governors and replaced them with his loyalist, some of who are grossly in competent just like himself. Among those is General Matur Chut of Lakes State who is functionally illiterate.

From then on, Kiir became a full-blown dictator if not the made mad man I would prefer to call him. Psychologically, Kiir began to show all clinical symptoms of a dictator. Like any pathological dictator, he misrepresents facts, opportunistically shifts positions, ignores data that conflicts with his fantasy world, is overly confident and acts as statesman when in truth, he is a mad man. Ultimately, Kiir projects himself to be above the law. One of our most accomplished journalists, Jacob Akol articulated that well in his article entitled: Why Kiir’s Decrees Are Scary and Assuring. In this article, Jacob articulated that Kiir is making the nation to take him for the law and the law for him.

Like any typical African dictator, Kiir displays false modesty while sublimating aggression and grudges. What makes this career butcher even dangerous is his lack of consciousness combined with his high self-serving intelligence and likable personality that has fooled and outsmarted many in South Sudan. Toward the year 2012, the career military spy Kiir spontaneously exhibited his true persona. Politically, he began to be highly intolerable of criticism and would do any thing to eliminate his political opponents.

Running his country in a police state model, General Kiir becomes increasingly controlling, brutal and tyrant. Whenever that control is challenged, he feels threatened and responds as if his very physical survival is at stake. He then abandoned his historical comrades in arms and colleagues and surrounded himself with local co-dependents, enablers and followers and if anyone of them challenges his authority, he would just discard him as if he never existed. Kiir rules through rumours mongers and street gossipers he takes seriously.

My own psychosocial assessment as a student of social psychology tells me that like any pathological dictator, Kiir is a clinical case of a mental health disorder known as narcissistic personality disorder (NPD). NPD is a syndrome consisting of a cross breed of the narcissistic personality disorder, the antisocial personality disorder as well as paranoid traits. Clinically, the sufferer of this disorder is an emotional vampire, cruel and sadistic and enjoys other persons’ suffering. Most of the serial killers fall in this category.

Narcissistic dictators are self-seeking and insensitive to the plight of the governed. They take over and subvert key state institutions (civil service, judiciary, media, etc) to serve their interests. They are poor at governance given that good governance entails not only cognitive wherewithal but also the ability to compromise and bargain successfully with a plethora of competing groups.

Pathological dictators like Kirr fear civil political competition as they are impervious to reason with. The only voice a dictator listens to is his own voice. That is why political repression is the only effective weapon in the hand of the tyrant. Opposition parties in autocratic states like this one of Kiir in South Sudan are either outlawed or accorded very little political lee way.

Using the state institutions of the police state, the key opposition leaders are often arrested, intimidated, hounded and even killed. Cowed into submission, some intellectuals in the opposition tend to switch camps to serve their bellies and ensure their physical survival.

The bitter truth of this culture is that it depletes human conscience and dignity. It compels intellectuals to sell off their consciences, integrity and principles with cheap political appointments. As we have all witnessed in South Sudan, the pet aversion of all dictators is press freedom. Censorship is imposed; journalists, newspaper editors, and columnists are harassed and arrested for telling the truth.

The very critical and stubborn ones are murdered like in the case of Isiah Abraham or bought off like in the case of my learned friend, Ateny Wek Ateny. Newspapers, radio and television stations that are critical of the despot are shut down. Typical dictators would go extra miles to hide their failures and the heinous crimes they have committed and continue to commit like in the case of the on-going genocide in Juba. Free media is erstwhile enemy of the despots like Kiir as it exposes their lies, bloopers and incompetence.

Dictators are terrible hypocrites. Being the only made man with testicles in the political space, the dictator like Kiir would shamelessly accuse his political opponents of corruption as he and his cohorts plunder the people's treasury incessantly and live flamboyant life styles while his people drown in an abyss of abject poverty. Dictators are war-like and take refuge in extreme nationalism to divert the attention of their populace to external threats of their own creation.

World History and human experience have taught that the human breeds called dictators are interesting creatures. They are erratic and socially weird. I take more interest in the weird things they do at the end of their reigns. For example, the leader of the Burmese (Myanmar) gave government employees two days notice and hurriedly moved the capital city from Rangoo to a remote location deep in the jungle. Mobutu Sese Seko did the same thing by moving the presidential place to his remote birth village deep in Congolese Tropical Rainforest until the events in Kinshas over took him by surprise. Akin to all of the above is Kiir’s Luri cattle camp where the on-going genocide was planned.

Also, Just like Kiir Mayardit, Mobutu Sese Seko was predominantly threatened by his sophisticated advisers and highly educated colleagues. Hence, he only trusted the incompetent ones with limited knowledge to tell him what he wish to hear such as gossips within the military and who is planning what. Those who lived in Juba in the last three years would remember how many times rumours of baseless coup originating from “J One” were circulated until the recent disarmament targeting those who were perceived to be planning a coup within Tiger Battalion on December 15, 2013 sparked the developing genocidal war.

Also like Kiir, Idi Amin Dada's advisers were his drinking buddies and cronies, who tell him exactly what he wants to hear. This way, the dictator in question is bound to loose touch with the real world until the miserable end of his reign. Read all the books about the dictators and tell me a single dictator that stuck to his dictatorial guns and had a happy ending!

The end of South Sudan’s dictator in the persona of Kiir Salva Mayardit will be definitely similar to that of Nicholas Chacisco of Romania and the rest in that class. Through his mediocrity, dictatorship and poor leadership skills, the made mad man has squandered his virtuous legacy as a veteran of national liberation struggle and leader who managed to unite his people and delivered them political independence. It is a gross pity that he will be remembered more for only pathetic things like his weird trade mark (the giant cow boy hat), his controversial presidential decrees, his boring speeches, political blunders, institutionalized corruption, nepotism, political tribalism, political incompetence, genocide and tyranny.

May God Almighty save whatever is left of South Sudan from this made mad man!!



http://www.gurtong.net/ECM/Editorial...0/Default.aspx
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Old 26-Jan-14, 17:15   #60
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Sultan: the negative event in the south is being felt by neighboring countries.
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Old 26-Jan-14, 17:30   #61
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Who started killing who first?
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Old 26-Jan-14, 17:35   #62
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Sultan: the negative event in the south is being felt by neighboring countries.
Greetings TM and welcome back

The conflict in South Sudan, which mushroomed from intrigue and adventurism within the SPLM toinclude tribal overtones has disrupted the lives of ordinary Southern Sudanese desperately in need of peace and development. Now they find themselves internally dislocated and once again refugees in Sudan, Ethiopia, Kenya, and Uganda.

It is not at all surprising that a wealthy country that experiences a national political vacuum will invite powers accustomed to pillaging other nations. Moreover, I would not be too surprised if the conflict begins to have real tangible consequences for the regime in Khartoum. Many neighbors to the south and east have come to rely on the commerce generated by an independent South Sudan, I am sure they too will feel the pinch.

It was despicable sight to see the interlocutors in the conflict exchanging civil conversation and jokes at the Addis Sheraton while their respective forces are slaughtering and pillaging civilians.
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Old 26-Jan-14, 23:33   #63
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Who started killing who first?


?????
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Old 31-Jan-14, 20:23   #64
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Sultan: the political infight in Juba was actually needed to clear the fuse up. I sort figured it out the war was going to happen, but it was matter of when. :'(
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Old 01-Feb-14, 03:48   #65
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Sultan: the political infight in Juba was actually needed to clear the fuse up. I sort figured it out the war was going to happen, but it was matter of when. :'(
TM

Sadly, this looks but the first chapter in many conflicts to come!

Very much a case of a ruling elite that learned nothing and forgot nothing .. just like the Bourbon’s of France!
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Old 22-Apr-14, 14:52   #66
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للاسف ما زال الحزب الشيوعي المنقرض والمتعفن يبث السموم فى اجساد الاغبياء من اتباعه
النقابات والاضرابات وجون قرنق وفصل الجنوب وعرمان كلها من لدغات هذا الكيان الشيطانى الغبي الذى لم يفهم انتهى الدرس يا غبي من الصين والاتحاد السوفيتى

I still can see Sudan Haters and the illiterate with low IQ are roaming in their nonsense, nothing have changes, Sultan, UU and TM, I opted to wait for 5 years away from DD, cause I knew SS will prove me right, And unfortunately I will tell, I warned u, It is a shame that we do not have power to stop the wrong doing like Separating illiterate and give them weapon by oil $s, or allowing Reds to stay alive instead of eradicate them for their families benefits, or .....UU.........exsl!@# to ...*&^%

يا منجى الوحش من الجحش
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Old 20-Jul-15, 04:58   #67
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Hello Señor Oze y sultan, como estas amigos?
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Old 20-Jul-15, 07:53   #68
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Hello TM! How are You? Long time no c ! It's good to see You? My memory flashed back to the Old days and years of pre-CPA and all That transpired in between till now. Wow, what a journey? Some time I Will be so Much in the moment that I Forget where it all started. It Is surely an amazing , adventurous journey. Your appearance caused me to review the history, that Is Our history as Sudanese, where we have been, and where are we heading, what ever Is coming ahead Will be in light of the Bright future. Thank You for popping up.
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Old 20-Jul-15, 19:18   #69
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Hello Señor Oze y sultan, como estas amigos?
Estoy bien el compañero TM, como estas?
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Old 21-Jul-15, 07:21   #70
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للاسف ما زال الحزب الشيوعي المنقرض والمتعفن يبث السموم فى اجساد الاغبياء من اتباعه
النقابات والاضرابات وجون قرنق وفصل الجنوب وعرمان كلها من لدغات هذا الكيان الشيطانى الغبي الذى لم يفهم انتهى الدرس يا غبي من الصين والاتحاد السوفيتى

I still can see Sudan Haters and the illiterate with low IQ are roaming in their nonsense, nothing have changes, Sultan, UU and TM, I opted to wait for 5 years away from DD, cause I knew SS will prove me right, And unfortunately I will tell, I warned u, It is a shame that we do not have power to stop the wrong doing like Separating illiterate and give them weapon by oil $s, or allowing Reds to stay alive instead of eradicate them for their families benefits, or .....UU.........exsl!@# to ...*&^%

يا منجى الوحش من الجحش
Hahahahahaha, wow! It's seemed though as we are back to square one! Oze! Wow, the Old Sudan dogs are still barking.
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Old 21-Jul-15, 20:22   #71
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Sultan & Karkar: yeah, indeed, those old days huh? 😀 Our people have different brain of processing things, we will learn and eventually incorporate right mental acumen to do right things; that's my opinion. 😎
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Old 22-Jul-15, 16:54   #72
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Sultan & Karkar: yeah, indeed, those old days huh? 😀 Our people have different brain of processing things, we will learn and eventually incorporate right mental acumen to do right things; that's my opinion. 😎
TM

Knowing and doing have always been two different pursuits. South Sudan like many African countries has adopted modern political arrangements without satisfying the necessary socioeconomic institutional arrangements to sustain them.

For things to evolve organically and sustainably a culture and society need to time and peace, war scrambles every thing and creates uncomfortable accommodations (like those found in the SPLM/A) that are unsustainable and prone to breakage!
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Old 22-Jul-15, 20:09   #73
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TM

Knowing and doing have always been two different pursuits. South Sudan like many African countries has adopted modern political arrangements without satisfying the necessary socioeconomic institutional arrangements to sustain them.

For things to evolve organically and sustainably a culture and society need to time and peace, war scrambles every thing and creates uncomfortable accommodations (like those found in the SPLM/A) that are unsustainable and prone to breakage!
It's only when authorities refused to address the causes That caused the war in the first place That such uncomfortable arrangement is usually put in place.
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Old 13-May-17, 23:59   #74
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we hope piece for all of Sudan South and North , from Nimoly to Halafa
for ever
May we see that day soon.
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Old 14-May-17, 10:16   #75
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بي بي سي العربية

جنوب السودان: اشتباكات بين عناصر جيش جنوب السودان في العاصمة جوبا

آخر تحديث: الاثنين، 16 ديسمبر/ كانون الأول، 2013، 08:03 GMT

اندلعت اشتباكات عنيفة بين عناصر من قوات الجيش في جنوب السودان قرب العاصمة جوبا مع الساعات الأولى من مساء الاحد.ء

وأفاد شهود عيان من جوبا أن أصوات إطلاقات الرصاص وبعض الانفجارات ما زالت تسمع حتى الساعات الأولى من صباح الإثنين.ء

وتصاعد التوتر السياسي في البلاد منذ أقال سلفا كير ميارديت رئيس جنوب السودان نائبه ريك ماشار في يوليو/تموز الماضي.ء
بدأ إطلاق الرصاص حسب شهود العيان بشكل متقطع خلال الليل ثم اشتدت حدته بشكل كبير مع ساعات الصباح الأولى.ء

وقال جوك مادوت رئيس معهد الجنوب في جنوب السودان إنه من المعتقد أن الجنود الموالين لماشار قد تسببوا في اندلاع القتال.ء

وبدأت المعارك بين الجنود في موقعين للجيش الاول، وهو أكبر معسكر، ويقع في منطقة بيلبام شمالي مطار جوبا الدولي والثاني هو معسكر الجبل جنوب العاصمة.ء

ونقلت وكالة رويترز للأنباء عن أتني ويك المتحدث الرئاسي قوله إن القتال اندلع بين أفراد الحرس الرئاسي في معسكر الجبل.ء

ويعد الجنود الموالون لماشار من قبائل النوير التى ينحدر منها بينما ينحدر سلفاكير من قبائل الدنغا وهما قبيلتان بينهما تاريخ من المعارك حيث تتهم قبائل النوير قبائل الدنغا بالسيطرة على المنطقة.ء

من جانبها نفت السفارة الأمريكية في جوبا على حسابها على تويتر لجوء ريك ماشار إليها وأضافت أن البعثة الدبلوماسية تتابع الأوضاع الأمنية في البلاد عن قرب.ء


http://www.bbc.co.uk/arabic/middleea...n_fighting.sht


كل نقطة دم سالت وتسيل من أهل الجنوب يتحمل الحزب الشيوعي السوداني جزءً من وزرها
ظل هذا الحزب ...الميكافيلي يرمي الحطب على النار التي أوقدها الدينكا في الجنوب
اكبر جريمة يرتكبها الشيوعيون في السودان فصل الجنوب..ويسعون للمزيد من البلاوي في هذا البلد المنكوب بهم ..تلاميذ اليهودي المصري
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Old 14-May-17, 10:20   #76
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القتل والسلب في دولة الدينكا...ومازال الشيوعيون يسعون للمزيد
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